The Economics of Renewable Energy - Economic Affairs Committee Contents


Memorandum by the Environmental Defense Fund

  On behalf of the Environmental Defense Fund (EDF), I am pleased to respond to the House of Lords Select Committee on Economic Affairs' inquiry in to the economics of renewable energy. EDF is a leading United States-based non-profit environmental organisation representing more than 500,000 members, with offices across the United States and in Beijing, China. Since 1967, we have linked science, economics and law to create innovative, equitable and cost-effective solutions to society's most urgent environmental problems.

  There is no more urgent environmental challenge facing our world today than the problem of global warming, and renewable energy technologies have an important role to play in solving it. Over the past 18 months, in researching and writing Earth: The Sequel with my co-author, Miriam Horn, I have spent countless hours speaking with energy technology inventors and entrepreneurs about the necessary pre-conditions for bringing advanced low and zero-carbon energy technologies to market. Lessons learned from this work, along with EDF's thirty-year history of pioneering market-based environmental regulation, informs my response to your request for information on renewable energy policy.

  Energy technology inventors and entrepreneurs are not looking for subsidies and set-asides. What they are looking for is a level playing field upon which to compete. Currently, the greatest obstacle that many renewable energy technologies face is a market that fails to fairly value the avoided carbon dioxide pollution attributable to renewable energy. Therefore, the most important policy for commercializing renewable energy is one that caps carbon dioxide emissions, allows for trading of the emission reduction obligation underneath that cap, and thereby sets a market price for avoided CO2 emissions that rewards low and zero carbon technologies for their positive emissions profile, while forcing high-CO2 emitting technologies to internalize the cost of their emissions into their production costs.

  We know that cap and trade mechanisms can drive environmental technology investment and innovation from the United States' experience with the regulating sulphur dioxide emissions (SO2) from power plants. The U.S. Acid Rain program, targeted at achieving a 50% reduction in power plant SO2 emissions, achieved greater reductions, sooner, at considerably lower costs than forecasted when the program was enacted. In 1990, on the eve of legislation, analyses estimated that the U.S. Acid Rain program would cost $6 to $7.5 billion annually by the time it was fully implemented in the year 2010. Subsequent estimates a few years later predicted costs of roughly $2.5 billion. The most recent analyses—including one by the Office of Management and Budget in the White House—peg the costs at $1.1 to $1.8 billion a year.[77] Meanwhile, academic studies have estimated savings of hundreds of millions of dollars a year due to the use of a cap-and-trade system rather than a hypothetical facility-level performance standard achieving identical emissions reductions (with savings running into the billions relative to a requirement that all generators install end-of-pipe pollution control equipment).[78]

  Perhaps what is most remarkable about this environmental policy success story is that the program led to the development of compliance strategies not contemplated when the program was first enacted. Given the price incentive to reduce emissions, engineers at power companies and technology firms found ways to modify power plants to take greater advantage of lower sulphur coals, and refine emerging SO2 scrubbing technologies to make them more reliable and less costly to build and operate.

  The point about innovation is important because none of us today can fully imagine the types of low and zero carbon renewable technologies and the many permutations of them that will evolve over time. The best policy is one that does not try to dictate an outcome based on a known set of current technologies, but rather creates an incentive for inventors and entrepreneurs to achieve the greatest output of low and zero carbon energy at lowest cost.

  Cap and trade policy can be a powerful driver for technology deployment, but only if done right. There are two lessons to be learned from the first phase of the European Trading Scheme germane to the Select Committee's inquiry into renewable energy deployment.

  First, the price signal must be real. A cap must be set based on the best scientific understanding of the emission reductions necessary to avoid the worst consequences of global warming, and the baselines used to assess the emission reduction responsibility of sources covered by that cap, must be based on real, verifiable, historic emissions data. The combination of politically expedient targets and baseline data based on guesstimates of future emissions growth will conspire to create a cap that is neither effective in driving technology innovation and investment or in achieving any meaningful environmental progress.

  Second, the price signal must be sustained. Energy technologies are capital intensive and long-lived. Deployment of renewable technologies will not occur if investors cannot reasonably expect to recover the value of their investment over time. Cap and trade programs will not succeed in stimulating investment or reducing pollution if they sunset every few years, or if the emission reductions created by an investment in low and zero carbon technologies cannot be banked with a reasonable expectation that such reductions will have value in the future.

  A real and sustained cap and trade program can be a powerful tool for renewable energy deployment. U.S. Energy Information Agency (EIA) modelling of the proposed Lieberman/Warner national cap and trade legislation recently debated in the U.S. Senate demonstrates the power a comprehensive cap and trade program can have in commercializing renewable energy technology. According to EIA, implementation of the Lieberman Warner cap would result in 40 to 146% greater deployment of renewable energy technology by 2030 than would otherwise be achieved in EIA's business as usual scenario. According to EIA, under the Lieberman Warner cap and trade program, between 21 and 61% of all generation built between now and 2030 would be renewable resources. These results are all the more impressive when you consider that EIA's business as usual scenario already takes into account favourable renewable energy provisions of the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007 and the fact that 29 states have renewable energy portfolio standards of varying stringency. In short, the considerable renewable energy gains achieved through the Lieberman Warner cap and trade program are wholly additional to an already considerable policy effort to promote renewable energy in the United States.[79]

  More to the point, at the request of Senator James Inhofe of Oklahoma, EIA analysed the efficacy of a national renewable portfolio standard requiring 25% of electricity to come from renewable energy by 2025. While this standard produces roughly the same amount of renewable deployment as the Lieberman Warner cap and trade bill, there is no comparison between the two policy initiatives in terms of achieved CO2 reductions. The national renewable portfolio standard moderated national CO2 emissions growth, achieving a 14% reduction in electricity sector CO2 emissions against EIA's business as usual base case, but national electricity sector emissions still increased by 14% above 2005 levels.[80] In contrast, the Lieberman Warner bill results in an absolute reduction in electricity sector emissions between 17 and 47% below 2005 levels. In short, even an aggressive national renewable energy policy is no substitute for a reasonable cap and trade policy where the policy goal is reducing greenhouse gas pollution.

  EDF has supported state initiatives to adopt renewable portfolio standards as a way to jump start technology deployment in absence of concerted national policy to cap and reduce greenhouse gas pollution, but we do not see RPS requirements as a substitute for a national cap. They are complimentary, at best.

  Likewise, the United States has achieved some success in promoting renewable energy development through a production tax credit for wind, and more recently, for solar. Here again, in absence of a national cap, the production tax credit has proven to be invaluable in jump-starting wind development in the United States. We know of the direct relationship between this subsidy and wind development, because, unfortunately, Congress has not seen fit to enact this credit consistently. When the credit is in place, wind development occurs. When it expires, wind development virtually grinds to a halt. (See chart)


  Source:  American Wind Energy Association

  As with a cap and trade program, the effectiveness of the tax credits rests in large measure on the consistency of economic incentive is essential for lasting impact on energy project developers. Even then, as with the RPS, a production tax credit, at best, is a down payment on needed technology deployment, but it does not create the fundamental restructuring of electricity production costs necessary to push renewable energy development ahead of more carbon dioxide intensive options for generating electricity.

  Convinced as I am that a well-designed cap and trade program is the cornerstone of any effective policy for capping and substantially reducing greenhouse gas pollution, I recognize that the traditional utility business model and nature of the electricity grid are such that price signals alone may not be enough to realize the full environmental potential of renewable energy technology. Renewable technologies typically have low variable costs but high capital costs, and rules must be in place that enable utilities to enter into long term power purchase agreements with project developers such that these developers can demonstrate a revenue stream stable enough to secure financing from lending institutions.

  Work also needs to be done to upgrade transmission lines and infrastructure to enable renewable energy resources to easily integrate into the grid. By way of example, EDF is working with policymakers in Texas to create pre-set renewable energy corridors where transmission lines are easier to site and permit for the purpose linking sites in west Texas that have high wind power potential with growing population centers in eastern Texas. EDF is also initiating work with utilities and regional transmission planning organisations in the United States on ways to more quickly deploy "smart" transmission and distribution technologies along with innovative retail tariffs that promote demand response, which, in total, will help maintain and improve grid stability the grid plays host to greater amounts of variable wind and solar generation.

  Finally, there is room for government support in basic research and development. For example, solar technology was an early beneficiary of the United States space program, and the network of United States national labs and research universities obtaining government grants have a long legacy of helping to incubate the technologies and materials reaching the market today. Basic science is a cost difficult for any corporation to bear alone, and a well-structured program of basic government-sponsored R&D is valuable for spreading those costs broadly across society. Here the trick is to develop methods of subsidizing research without the government falling into the trap of picking technology "winners." Inventors and entrepreneurs I speak with favour competitive mechanisms like technology "prizes" as a way to reward research that leads to commercial innovation. I should also note that auction of even a fraction of CO2 allowances created under a cap and trade program create a large and sustained funding source for government-sponsored R&D, thus addressing one of the single greatest frustrations associated with government-sponsored research: inconsistent annual appropriations of funding from the treasury.

  In conclusion, renewable energy is not an end in and of itself, but a means to an end. The defining environmental challenge of the 21st century is abating the threat of catastrophic climate change. Renewable energy can play a large role in meeting this challenge, but adopting strong policies to promote renewable energy absent a commitment to cap and substantially reduce greenhouse gas pollution is neither the most effective way to promote renewable energy nor the way to solve the problem of climate change. Indeed a laser-like focus on renewable energy deployment may actually serve to obscure other more cost-effective strategies to reduce greenhouse gas pollution, such as aggressive energy efficiency and strategies to slow and reverse tropical deforestation. Society is best served when environmental policy is achieved cost-effectively, and a market for emission reductions created by a cap and trade system is a proven method for doing just that.

  I appreciate the opportunity to submit these comments to the select committee and stand ready to be helpful to your members in any way that I can be as you continue your deliberations.

Fred Knapp

President

7 July 2008







77   Cost estimates cited in National Acid Rain Precipitation Assessment Program, NAPAP Report to Congress: An Integrated Assessment (Washington, D.C.: 2005). Back

78   See A. Denny Ellerman, et al, Markets for Clean Air: The U.S. Acid Rain Program (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), and Nathaniel O. Keohane, "Cost Savings from Allowance Trading in the 1990 Clean Air Act: Estimates from a Choice-Based Model" in Charles E. Kolstad and Jody Freeman, eds., Moving to Markets in Environmental Regulation: Lessons from Twenty Years of Experience (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006). Back

79   Report to be found at: http://www.eia.doe.gov/oiaf/servicerpt/s2191/index.html Back

80   Report to be found at: http://www.eia.doe.gov/oiaf/servicerpt/eeim/index.html Back


 
previous page contents next page

House of Lords home page Parliament home page House of Commons home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2008