Select Committee on Economic Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 100 - 119)

TUESDAY 16 OCTOBER 2007

Ms Susan Anderson, Mr Neil Carberry and Mr William Simpson

  Q100  Lord Paul: Has immigration had any effect on the employers' incentives to invest in mechanisation and other measures to improve productivity?

  Ms Anderson: I think employers are always focused on measures to improve performance and productivity. We certainly know that the number of low-skilled jobs is set to decline. Lord Leitch in his report suggested that the number of low-skilled jobs would fall from around 2.5 million jobs now to only around half a million jobs by 2020. That obviously is reflecting the fact that we are on the way to the more highly skilled, knowledge-based economy that we want so much. So I think that trend is already there; I do not think it is really to do with migrant workers. But, certainly, in those sectors where we have strong demand—in retail and hospitality, for example—you still need a high degree of personal service, and we are expecting the need for those customer-service skills to persist. We are not expecting mechanisation to take the place of what we know customers want, which is a personal touch, albeit by somebody who has good communication skills and hopefully a high degree of numeracy and literacy.

  Q101  Lord Layard: Some employers, like Sainsbury's, have described migrant workers as having a superior work ethic. What exactly do you think they mean by "work ethic"? Are they including willingness to take low pay and work longer hours?

  Ms Anderson: I think you will have to ask Sainsbury's what Sainsbury's mean. We pick up more what we might call a "positive attitude". I think all the evidence you have received from other groups will suggest that many of the workers coming in from countries such as Poland have a higher degree of skill or qualification level. If you use, for example, the age at which they left full-time school as a proxy for qualifications, certainly they are more qualified, and this is going to mean that they are keen to work. They often spend a period in a lower-skilled job brushing up their language skills, but certainly they want to work. I think some of the poor attitudes that our members sometimes talk about arise not because people want to work longer hours but when they are there they want to provide a high level of service. Whether that is in hospitality or catering or in a manufacturing environment, they really want to get on in their jobs. That is what I would describe as having a strong work ethic. It is not about the hours that you work, although obviously we are aware that, again, average hours worked by many migrant workers is longer than maybe UK-born nationals, but that may be because they are more interested in overtime than some of their counterparts.

  Q102  Lord Layard: Does this not mean that the existing British workforce that might otherwise be employed has become disadvantaged by the arrival of these immigrants?

  Ms Anderson: If you have the choice between two individuals, one of whom seems really enthusiastic about work, who wants to get on—and, again, a lot of the evidence is that people who arrive, taking a low-skilled job, then want to move up within a company—who wants to learn and wants to move on and wants to perform well, then you are going to chose that individual with that positive attitude. If those positive attitudes are coming more from the migrant worker than the UK-born, then I am afraid you are going to go for the migrant worker. We know what the solution to that disadvantage would be: a bit more enthusiasm from the indigenous worker.

  Chairman: You did not give the straight answer yes; but it was jolly nearly yes.

  Q103  Lord Sheldon: Despite the very high level of immigration, there is still a large number of job vacancies. It is more than half a million. There has been the same number of people seeking work since 2001, despite that level of immigration. How do you account for that?

  Mr Carberry: The first factor to take account of is strong performance in the economy over the last 15 years. In the private sector, employment in the UK grew from about 21.9 million in 1999 to about 23.1 million in 2006, so, from that point of view, while there is a residual level of vacancy in the economy, there is clear upward movement in employment in the private sector. To an extent, those vacancies reflect the natural behaviour of a healthy labour market in terms of people moving where the demand is. As regards the level of unmet demand, there are a couple of policy points from my side of the table that I will make before I pass to my colleague, one of which is that unemployment has been at historically low levels recently, whereas we have had a real challenge in addressing levels of domestic labour market inactivity. The CBI strongly supported the conclusions of the Freud report and, in the long term, targeted action to address inactivity has to be a policy priority on employment levels.

  Mr Simpson: Immigrants do not just plug existing holes in the labour market but they create new demands for products and services which are already available, but also those which cater to the immigrant population. So this will, in a dynamic economy, lead to creating new vacancies. They are not the same vacancies, obviously. The vacancies churn in response to the demands of the market place, and if that market place is augmented by immigrants—

  Q104  Lord Sheldon: If the economy is so dynamic, should not the number of unemployed be reducing?

  Mr Simpson: It is very low.

  Lord Sheldon: Half a million. It has still been half a million since 2001.

  Q105  Lord Lamont of Lerwick: Could I not suggest the answer is the one you partly gave, that staff creates its own demand, and the quantity of employment adjusts to the number of people available for work. If you justify immigration on the grounds that there are half a million vacancies, I would suggest that if you had unlimited immigration for ever, at the end of any period you would still have half a million vacancies. You cannot justify immigration in terms of trying to fill vacancies.

  Mr Simpson: No. But.[28]

  Lord Lamont of Lerwick: It is a very important point.

  Q106  Lord Griffiths of Fforestfach: I would like to ask your views about the Migration Advisory Committee, which suggests that it is going to advise the Government sensibly on labour shortages which could be filled by migration. What are your views on that and the criteria to use? I have to say, one thinks of this, in principle, as a planning body. Surely to figure out what the shortages short and long term are is a huge exercise in itself. How many dentists do we need? How many IT workers do we need? And then to ask the question after that: how many of these can sensibly be filled by migrants? Without wishing in any way to be ideological, it does seem an enormous task to ask a committee to do and I am wondering what your views are.

  Ms Anderson: Clearly, the history of manpower planning in the UK is not exactly a strong one, so we understand your concerns.

  Mr Carberry: We supported the points-based system in general—and I know your Lordships will turn to that in a moment—because we saw an attempt to look at the position of migration in the UK economy. From your own inquiry, you will have picked up the fact that data on the effect of migration in the UK started in a fairly sketchy place not particularly long ago. We see the Migration Advisory Committee as a key part of developing an evidence-based policy on migration and we welcome the appointment of David Metcalfe as chair of the committee. We think his experience on the Low Pay Commission, which is another body which takes a strategic look at the whole economy, will be very useful. We have said to the Government that we want the Migration Advisory Committee to adopt some of the behaviours that maybe we associate with the Monetary Policy Committee of the Bank of England, in terms of being seen as independent, as evidence- based, commissioning research, looking to develop better data around regional skill shortages, interacting with stakeholder bodies, like the Sector Skills Development Agency, the Sector Skills Councils, Future Skills in Scotland, the Bank of England and the Office of National Statistics, to try, on an incremental basis, to give us a better dataset, on which they as a body can then make recommendations to the Government. As a policy step we welcome the attempt to move towards more evidence-based policymaking in this area.

  Q107  Lord Griffiths of Fforestfach: It is primarily the provision of better data that you see as the major benefit.

  Ms Anderson: Not just for the Migration Advisory Committee, but in general we need better data. The fact that we do not have very good data at the moment is not good and certainly allows people to make assertions about the impact of migration, both negative and positive. We think better data is important, irrespective of having the Migration Advisory Committee, but we see the Migration Advisory Committee, certainly in the first instance, taking very much of a strategic overview and then working with the various bodies who have more of a brief and a mandate to look, for example, at skills shortages, such as the Sector Skills Councils, which cover all sectors of the UK. So pulling that together and taking advice from the relevant experts but, obviously, in order to do that good data has to be a pre-condition.

  Q108  Lord Lawson of Blaby: Mr Carberry mentioned a moment ago that you supported the points-based system. Of course, it is clearly important to have a sensitive points-based system, not just any old points-based system. I do not ask you to answer this now; it might perhaps be useful if you could let us have a note on this. There are in the Government scheme five different tiers: highly-skilled, skilled, low-skilled, students and so on. In each tier there are various control factors, of which one—which you think in your written evidence is particularly important, and I would agree with you—is language skills. If you were advising the Government—and I am sure they would ask you for your advice—on what the relevant percentages should be of a fixed number of non-EEA immigrants divided between these tiers, and also of the various control factors, what percentage weight should be attached? Because the Government is going to have to do this to each different control factor, it would be very interesting for us to know what your answer would be.

  Ms Anderson: We would not be in a position to give that answer today, but, as you have pointed out, it is a balance. You do have to introduce some fairly complicated weighting. As you rightly have suggested, we are not in a position to do that now. We would recognise that it has to be a balance between the views of the employers and of the other interested parties, because we must be aware of the impact on public services.

  Q109  Lord Lawson of Blaby: Could you, on reflection, let us have a note setting out your views of what you think might be a sensible weighting.

  Ms Anderson: Yes, we are happy to do that.

  Q110  Lord Lamont of Lerwick: Could I follow up on that. The points-based system assumes that the Government knows what sort of workers the country actually needs. This is really a decision that the Government should be making. Why not have something more market-oriented, such as the auctioning of different categories?

  Ms Anderson: We see the Migration Advisory Committee advising on both sector and, indeed, skill levels. We see the Government listening to this committee—or, otherwise, why have it—and therefore taking advice from the various sectors that are experiencing shortages, whether that is low-skilled or, indeed, skilled. We see it very much acting in an advisory capacity, but I think at the end of the day these are decisions that have to be made by the Government and not just by employers.[29]

  Chairman: I think you will have gathered from the series of questions you have just been asked that there is some possible scepticism as to how well the Government can do this very difficult job. If the CBI were to give a bit of guidance as to how they think they might do it, we would appreciate it. I am not asking you to do it now, but if you would give us some indication as to how you think this thing should be set about it would be very valuable to us.

  Q111  Lord Vallance of Tummel: Can we focus on Eastern Europe? The Government has claimed in the past that the great majority of immigrants from Eastern Europe are temporary migrants who come to the UK for a short period of time and then move on. Do employers share that view? Is there any evidence of a high turnover amongst Eastern European migrants? Are employers finding it difficult to retain migrant workers from that part of the world? What is your assessment of recent migrants likely to stay in the UK?

  Mr Carberry: There are certainly advantages to circular migration, particularly around some of the agricultural schemes that have previously existed for migrants. Obviously, it makes economic sense for them to earn higher wages here and then to remit that money to spend in, for instance, Poland. Some roles lend themselves to that. The younger, more mobile demographic that we typically see among the A8 workers (the average age of a Polish worker in the UK is 34 and of a UK citizen worker is about 39) suggests that they are likely to be more mobile. Our members tell us that a lot of the jobs these people do have relatively high levels of turnover anyway and they do not see a great difference between the domestic and A8 workers. We do not particularly keep any data on length of stay.

  Q112  Lord Paul: In your written evidence you are against granting the Romanians and Bulgarians free access to the British labour market because of what you say are social impacts of immigration. How should the economic impact of immigration be balanced against the social impacts when considering the immigration policy?

  Mr Carberry: We were clear at the time, when we expressed an opinion last year on Bulgaria and Romania, that, as an organisation, we remained committed to the principle of free movement of workers. It was merely the fact that we had had a major accession in 2004 that we felt it was right to pause and look at the effect that had had. We heard the comments from our colleagues in local government about local authority funding and about allowing public services to adapt to new communities, and we felt that at that time, given the paucity of data about the total impact, it would be appropriate to use accession controls for temporary period. From that point of view, we erred on the side of caution, I think it is fair to say, in what we suggested government might do at that time, and we have joined the Migration Impact Forum very much with the hope that it, as a body, will help us find what that balance is.

  Q113  Lord Layard: If we look at the economics of this and take the standard economic theory, in the short run one would think migration would be good for profits and bad for wages and one would think that in the longer run it would be neutral. As capital accumulated in proportion to workforce, you would think it would be neutral, in the sense that the profit rate would go back to a previous level and wages would go back to their previous level. But you are claiming something quite different. Those propositions were the ones we had put to us, if I may say, last week by people giving evidence. You are claiming something quite different, that migration actually increases—I think even in the short run—output per head.[30] Are you saying that standard economic theory is wrong? Are you sure that it is not special pleading on behalf of a group who probably have gained in terms of income and possibly at the expense of other people, namely business.

  Ms Anderson: We certainly think it has benefited the economy. Certainly I would accept that it has benefited business. I am going to leave my economist friend here to answer that question. That is why we brought him!

  Mr Simpson: I think there is a growing amount of evidence that immigration is net positive for economies. If you look at the accession of 2004 and the three countries that have been most open: Sweden, Ireland and the UK, our rates of growth have exceeded those in less open economies post-accession.

  Q114  Lord Lamont of Lerwick: I think we need to be precise. Are you talking about growth of GDP or growth of GDP per head of population?

  Mr Simpson: Fair enough, growth of GDP. But, nevertheless, I would suggest to you that a healthy and dynamic economy is assisted better by willing recruits to the labour market, that can plug gaps in the existing labour market and also create new demand for labour themselves by their own demands for goods and services. It is not clear what impact on productivity statistics it has had, but I would suggest to you that the willingness of these immigrants to plug the gaps that locals do not want to take has independently held down prices and contributed to perhaps a lower interest rate than would otherwise have existed and the overall macro economic environment is therefore a positive one.

  Q115  Lord Layard: You agreed with the five-point system for migrants applying to work in the United Kingdom. How will this meet the needs of employers?

  Mr Carberry: We did welcome the points-based system. One of the benefits of a points-based system is that it is quite flexible to what you want to achieve with your migration policy. I think that was evidenced by the fact that major parties seemed to coalesce around the idea at the time of the last General Election. One of the major facets of the UK's migration policy has been its relatively organic development since 1971. This system has become diffuse and very confusing. There are a high number of different entry routes into work and it has become difficult for employers and migrants to understand. A points system offers some clarity and understanding of entry criteria. I can go on to the Canadian Government website and do the Canadian points test in ten minutes; I can understand whether I would be allowed to go to Canada. But, looking at Canada and Australia, we can also see that countries use the points-based system to achieve different ends quite effectively, so, as an idea, we back the points system on that basis. The other thing the PBS should offer us is simpler interface for employers with the system. The Home Office and the Border and Immigration Agency are working on a model office that seems to be, to us, more effective. There are some clear issues around the points-based system, many of which were referenced by Lord Lawson and Lord Lamont, and we have been working through those with the Home Office over the last couple of months, but, in principle, the idea of a points-based seems to us to be simpler and easier for employers to work with.

  Q116  Lord Sheldon: I would like to refer to a question I put to you earlier. With high levels of immigration there is still a large number of job vacancies. Surely they should have filled some of those job vacancies. The job vacancies have remained the same. Why is that?

  Mr Simpson: There will be a change in job vacancies. It would be alarming if they were exactly the same vacancies. The ebb and flow of the market place generates vacancies in particular regions that cannot be filled quickly, whether it be a hard-to-fill job or a job that is repeatedly advertised because no one satisfactorily holds it down or new vacancies created by new demand, possibly from the immigrants themselves. But you would expect in a dynamic economy some degree of friction between the needs of employers and the supply that is available. It is part and parcel of a growing economy. It would be a weird economy if there were no change in the vacancies. If the level of vacancies was very low, that would suggest to me a rather static economy.

  Q117  Lord Sheldon: If there were not the levels of immigration, then you would accept that the levels of job vacancies would have declined. But it is the same, irrespective of that.

  Ms Anderson: There is always going to be a degree of labour turnover. Employers often want a degree of labour turnover because you always want to reinvigorate your workforce. It may be that you need to adjust the balance of your workforce. There are always companies that are having major recruitment campaigns, because they are opening factories or new shops or whatever, and you are going to have some companies that are sadly having to reduce the number of jobs. So a certain amount of turnover is both positive and inevitable in any economy and is a sign probably of health rather than a negative sign.

  Lord Sheldon: You are saying that the number of people coming in for employment has not affected the levels of unemployment at all.

  Q118  Lord Lamont of Lerwick: And will not.

  Ms Anderson: No.

  Mr Simpson: We are talking about vacancies rather than unemployment.

  Q119  Lord Sheldon: Well the vacancies are the unemployed, clearly.

  Mr Simpson: No, not always.


28   Note by Witness: Migration does answer specific shortages at the micro level for individual firms. We accept that this can't be extrapolated to the macroeconomic picture on vacancies. Back

29   Note by Witness: Auction systems have some problems-notably they would still need some form of appointment system to avoid domination by larger or cash-rich business at the expense or the-possibly greater-need of SMEs. Politically, it would also be difficult for any government to pass the immigration issue to a market mechanism. Back

30   Note by Witness: CBI evidence did not state that there were proven GDP per capita benefits, rather that there were broader economic benefits. Ref: supplementary submission from the CBI. Back


 
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