Select Committee on European Union Written Evidence


Annex A

PRESUMPTUOUS CONTENT

  I was interested in the articles I read relating to presumed consent" and submit a layman's point of view.

  Regarding Veronica English's contribution, I was arrested immediately ( and angered ) by the sheer lack—absence, almost—of either intellectual rigour or logical thought. From the very start, I was alarmed by a kind of facile assumptiveness—implicit in phrases such as "it seems likely that", "we all have the same aim", "changing the default position", "assuming... unless there is evidence to the contrary", "analyses seem to indicate" et al. They set the tone for the whole piece. Add to those the ones that spell danger because they conceal (albeit under a thin disguise) some sinister sub-texts and there's a cause for grave concern. I always worry when something is presented as being "easier for all concerned" (as though convenience were the main—even the sole—criterion). It alerts me immediately to the probability that something is being slipped in and that an attempt is being made to disarm or anaesthetise my critical faculties!

  Looking at the essay more closely, I found roughly what the cursory reading had led me to expect: the ethical issue is simply not dealt with at all! The entire "argument" (to call it that) is based on convenience and on the assumption that any system which increases the number of donations requires, ipso facto, no further justification. Countries where the donation rates are highest are thus presented as "evidence" that a "presumed consent" policy is `better'.

  I found the first major assumption of the piece both baffling and disgraceful: that bodies had been buried or cremated "intact" (rather than used for organ transplantation) "not because people objected to donating their organs but simply because they never got around to making their wishes known!" That anyone should present such an obviously self-serving proposition on the basis, merely, that it "seemed likely" was, I thought, staggering.

  The rest of the piece is riddled with logical falsehoods and ineptitude. The idea that because some people may "support organ donation" as a principle they will necessarily be willing to give pre-emptive consent to the use of their own organs—and that without being made fully aware of the conditions under which this will happen (and understanding/accepting those conditions)—is preposterous.

  I've no doubt, of course, that the idea that an assumption that people want to donate unless there is evidence to the contrary will cause an increase in availability. That's obvious. But—as in the whole of Ms English's thesis—this makes not the slightest attempt to confront (even to touch on) the moral issues. Mostly, throughout her entire essay, moral considerations are simply ignored. As far as she's concerned, increased availability = success = justification; which even a naive moral philosopher like myself can see to be nonsense. It's back to the old end-justifies-the-means debate.

  And when she questions the validity of "current law" because it "assumes, when people die, that they are in the minority who do not wish to donate", she is on equally thin ice; in fact, on no ice at all. Dead in the water! Of course the law assumes that! It "assumes" that unless I make it clear before my death that when I die I wish to "donate" something that belongs to me to a specific cause or for a specific purpose, then I do not so wish. Otherwise, all kinds of "assumptions" could be made about how I might want to dispose of my possessions (including my own body): eg, that I wanted (in the absence of any clear indication to the contrary) to donate my body to medical research or that I wished the proceeds of my estate to be donated to the Battersea Dogs' Home!

  Once we start "assuming" what people want, we're already part way down a very slippery slope. It soon becomes an assumption of authority to decide what people ought to want. As if that were not enough, the people "who do not wish to donate" are implicitly derogated as a "minority". (I've noticed before that when people want to foist otherwise untenable notions on others, they often use the "minority" idea as an argument. It's typical, I've found, of such people to assume that the majority is always right; which is something no intelligent and honest person would ever claim!)

  I'm amazed, too (though perhaps not), that the basis itself for establishing that people who do not wish to donate are a minority is so ill-defined. "Surveys show... !!" It's one of those corny old expressions—like "research on both sides of the Atlantic has established... " or "A highly-placed Government source assures me that..." (I note, in this case, that the only reference to any actual survey is distinctly anonymous and general: a "UK Transplant Survey". If such a survey existed, I would be very interested to see and analyse the questions on which its conclusions were based. I would anticipate much of the kind of box-ticking that manoeuvres respondents into false positions by cutting off their options (probably without anaesthetic!).

  As regards her claim—and apparent surprise at the fact—that "although 90% of the population supports donation, only 23% have registered their wish to donate", one can only register surprise oneself that Ms English is surprised. The questions to be asked are, surely, (a) if this is so, why is it so? and (b) why have people like Ms English not asked (and found the answer to) this obvious question? The obvious answers, it seems to me, are: (a) that a general support for the idea of organ "harvesting" is very different from a willingness to give permission for one's own organs to be used; (b)) that without far more—and far more precise—information concerning how and under what circumstances one's organs might be removed and re-distributed and one's death defined, one would, of course, be reluctant to make any commitment whatsoever.

  And one has only to consider the "efforts" ( eg strategies ) "to improve transplantation rates over the last decade" to see even more clearly where Ms English is coming from. For "publicity" read "propaganda", for "education" (with its facile and patronising implications—that if only we can explain to these simpletons (the 90%) just how silly and selfish their point of view is, they will fall in line and thank us for it—) read, effectively, "coercion". For "simplifying the process" read "falsifying the reality" through carefully contrived box-ticking questionnaires that manipulate the respondents into compromising positions by offering limiting alternatives which discourage both freedom of thought and accuracy of response.

  Nor would I have a jot of confidence in "extensive publicity advising people how to opt out". We've most of us, at some time or other, been supplied with "opt-out" information, or been offered opportunities to "register objections". Those of us who've attempted these complicated and often (I suspect deliberately) baffling procedures would, in most cases, I think, be very sceptical; if for no other reasons than that the people offering the opportunity don't want you to opt out!

  Paragraph 5 seems to me to be the most offensive of all. The idea that the relative of a dead or dying "target" person who has not opted out should be asked if they know of any "unregistered objection" is bizarre—and, in a sense, wicked. The terminally sick or deceased person not having opted out (confusion, mental fatigue, the near-to-death physical condition itself, not even having considered the matter, etc), the relatives, if they fail to declare knowledge of an unregistered objection, "are informed of the intention to proceed!" The only reservation allows the possibility of the process causing the relatives "severe distress". Well—we've all seen how expressions like that have helped to open the flood gates to literally millions of abortions whose justification depended on "severe mental distress" being caused to the "mother" and have created a climate in which mass-murder presents itself as social concern.

  Ms English goes blithely on to show—though the phrases describing her frames of reference ("careful analyses seem to indicate") ring immediate alarm bells—that in countries where the policy of "presumed consent" has been implemented there have been "higher donation rates". This is one of the few assumptions she makes that I would not be disposed to doubt. It's the one thing about which I'm sure she's right. But in spouting these statistics she is only coming up with the answer that most people would expect. She has still not even begun to address the moral issue that would concern most people; and clearly doesn't see that there is one. Firstly, she implies that the government argues lack of support for "presumed consent" without any serious attempt to test this assertion (where, I wonder, does that idea come from?), then claims—with the arrogant assumptiveness that one has now come to expect of the whole piece—that "We all have the same aim: to improve donation rates." That, I think, caps everything! Any other criterion is irrelevant. People who do not agree are committed to a "strategy that has failed" but which they "doggedly pursue". It's all pretty insulting—and one of the most facile pieces I think I've read. The lack of logic, even, coupled with the over-confident, hectoring tone is itself an insult. Whatever one's moral instincts concerning this issue, one would have to be no more than a half-intelligent person to feel disquieted by it. The "strategy" that she condemns can be judged a failure only if you agree with its fundamental premise: that to "improve donation rates" is the sole criterion of success.

  The bullet points with which she concludes are an appropriate summary of her method and of the sloppiness of her thought.

  Gordon Skilling's article accepts, almost without demur Ms. English's whole thesis, while throwing a casual sop to conscience by accepting that "The issue is complex" (Wow!!) "having spiritual and religious facets", but sees the only way forward (ie to the achievement of the stated aims) as devising "strategies to address public perception" (ie, to show dissidents that they're wrong). Well—one would hardly expect a balanced argument from someone who maintains "there is no convincing ethical argument against presumed consent" and accepts English and Somerville's claim that "most major religions positively encourage donation". What he understands by a "religion", I'm not clear. All the "inspired" documents that form the bases of the world's major religions came into being, obviously, centuries before the idea of organ transplantation was even seriously imaginable. I don't think he—or Veronica English—have any real intention to grapple with the ethical or religious issues. He asserts blandly: "The bottom line is that a system of presumed consent would save many more lives each year". If that's the case, then there's no point in any argument at all; except to say "No! It simply isn't. That is not the `bottom line'". As for his ideas about the infringement of personal autonomy—they seem to me to be intellectually puerile. "If we breach the autonomy of those who do not wish to donate by presuming consent", he writes, "then so too do we breach the autonomy of those who wish to donate but whose organs are not used." I could hardly believe I read that. Is he really saying that a person who has donated organs but whose organs are either unsuitable or surplus to requirements has had his "autonomy" breached? Would he use the same "logic" in support of the use of all organs offered—including diseased ones—for fear of breaching someone's "autonomy?" (See Gwendoline Harlow's comment about former cancer patients, who are "not permitted to donate blood, never mind organs!") It doesn't surprise me, therefore, that he should come up with "To give more moral weight to a decision not to donate than to a decision to donate is illogical." What a muddle! The point has to do not with donating or not donating but with donating freely, on the one hand, or being pressured into donating on the other, or having one right to decide whether or not to donate unfairly influenced or actually abrogated. And that the notion of infringement of autonomy can be proved to be "already accepted in our society" by comparing the legal requirement to wear safety belts in cars with "presumed consent" is, frankly, risible!

  Not surprisingly, I liked Michael Potts's article and the contributions by Graham Kyle (not, I hope, merely because I agree with their ethical premises ) and—in a slightly modified form—Barry Groves's provocative and feisty comment on human "cannibalism".

  Also, the contribution by Dr David W Evans had, I found, a strength and a depth of focus that the others did not. I particularly appreciated (a) its undistracted concentration on the central issue, (b) its closely reasoned logic, c) its calm non-rhetorical delivery, d) its precision of statement. Yes—"The fundamental ethical issue... is that of truth and its telling." I believe, too, (as argues earlier) that he is absolutely right in his judgement concerning the attitude that "may well explain the difference in numbers of those declaring support for organ transplantation in the general, impersonal, sense and those prepared to register as "opt-in" potential donors..."



 
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