Memorandum by Jorge Núñez
Ferrer, Centre for European Policy Studies
The opinions expressed are solely those of
the author and are not necessarily endorsed by the Centre for
European Policy Studies
THE FUTURE
OF EUROPEAN
STRUCTURAL FUNDS
Fundamental principles
1. All EU budget expenditures should follow
certain underlying principles which are presented below.[2]
Subsidiarity: The EU
should only act when it is better suited to do so compared to
lower levels of governance.
Proportionality: The
EU may only act to exactly the extent that is needed to achieve
its objectives, and no further.
Additionality: EU financial
intervention should generate an impact which would not have occurred
without EU assistance. EU funding should not substituted national
funding.
Value for Money: EU
actions should be devised to be cost-effective and should be regularly
evaluated.
In addition, all policies and specially those
aimed at fostering growth should:
create a value added at European
level: Value added occurs when the return to the investment
superior to the one without the investment and superior to the
opportunity costs, ie same resources used for the best first alternative.
be aimed at European public
goods: Resources should be used at European level when
the return to the investment for the whole of the EU is superior
to the opportunity costs. This is not only for other objectives
at EU level but also for the interventions on the same objectives
at national level.
2. Presently the policy is not living up
to the listed principles due to the highly politicised manner
in which funds are allocated and the policy implemented. The policy
needs a thorough review. This short paper presents a list of possible
reforms to improve the structural policy interventions, and the
coherence with the aforementioned principles.
SUBSIDIARITY
3. Interregional support for underdeveloped
regions in the EU should be run at EU level, and thus the underlying
concept meets the subsidiarity principle. However, the present
rationale is flawed and the implementation suboptimal.
ELIGIBILITY, PROPORTIONALITY,
ADDITIONALITY
4. For a policy to attain objectives efficiently,
those have to be achievable and clear. However, various economists
have pointed out that the theoretical underpinning is based on
flawed notions of economic theory.[3]
It aims at the convergence of GDP per capita, which is a measure
of production, not incomes, thus implying that the value of production
per capita should become similar. This is rather utopian given
the heterogeneity of endowments of regions. Not surprisingly,
GDP per capita divergence between regions within member states
has increased rather than decreased. As Martin (2005) clearly
points out, growth is still strongly affected on the efficiency
gains of economic concentration.[4]
High EU wide GDP equalisation while trying to avoid drastic structural
change is utopian. Fostering EU growth by avoiding agglomeration
and forsaking the impacts of economies of scale is not a plausible
strategy either. One can argue that the actual objective is not
convergence but that regions reach a minimum of 75% of EU GDP
per capita level at PPP (purchase parity prices), an objective
that has some considerable flaws, especially after the enlargement.
75% per capita income at GDP PPP gives a very limited vision of
the development needs in the regions. The situation in convergence
regions in the EU 15 is not worse (and probably better) than in
regions in new member states with a higher GDP per capita at PPP,
even of those no longer eligible for convergence funds.
5. Even keeping a GDP per capita target,
structural policy should aim better at fostering the endogenous
(and sustainable) growth potential of regions. The word potential
is critical and does not imply convergence in GDP per capita.
Eligibility and the measures allowed should be based on a composite
measure, taking into account the level of existing infrastructures,
human capital and access to finance private or public, in addition
to GDP per capita figures. This is in line with the proportionality
principle. This principle requires interventions in the regions
to be proportional to the needs to develop the region. This requires
that the EU in coordination with the national and regional authorities
deploys the means necessary to help regions have the necessary
basis to reach their potential growth in the most efficient way.
6. Such an approach would in fact question
the need for EU support for regions in wealthier member states.
For such regions, growth is determined more by national and regional
development strategies and national policies rather than the availability
of EU funds. This is also the case for ESF funding with at times
seems to "compete" rather than complement national schemes.
It is also questionable whether it is pertinent to maintain a
grant system from the EU: support for those regions can be devised
using other financial instruments such as loans of the EIB or
EIF.
7. The principle of additionality as applied
today is rather crude and flawed. It just requires that public
expenditure is not reduced when EU funds are used. For the poorest
countries, the principle of additionality is generally present
by default and the rules are sufficient to ensure that EU funding
is generating more investment than in the absence of support.
The governments have to use all of their resources to co-finance
the EU assistance and this generates a considerable improvement
in the infrastructures compared with a non-EU intervention scenario.
8. This is not the case for regions in wealthier
EU member states. There the EU funds allow governments to invest
less in the eligible regions. Suspicions exist that those member
states increase less their investments in the regions as their
factor in the EU receipts. Formally, additionality is guaranteed,
but the facto there is a substitution effect compared to a base
scenario without EU support. In addition, regions with higher
levels of infrastructure, services and even social support, gain
less for each additional investment from the EU, in particular
when directed to such popular infrastructures as additional roads.
The opportunity costs are higher. Moreover, the more developed
regions tend to have better access to other financial operators.
There is a certain substitution effect in place that reduces the
value of interventions. There is thus certainly some rationality
in considering that regions in wealthier member states should
not be supported by the EU budget, or at least not using the usual
infrastructure investments. The opportunity costs of structural
interventions in relatively well endowed convergence regions may
be higher for the EU than the resulting impact of the intervention.
As a result, there is a need to have more stringent eligibility
criteria.
VALUE FOR
MONEY, EUROPEAN
PUBLIC GOODS
AND EUROPEAN
VALUE ADDED
9. Developing the poorer regions in particular
in the poorest countries can potentially generate economic and
social benefits for the EU. At low levels of development, investments
tend to create strong economic impacts and high returns to investment
with relatively low opportunity costs. Investment in the development
of those European regions increases the future potential of these
regions to generate rapid growth, which in turn increases wealth
in the regions and increases the demand for good and services
from other regions. Thus fostering the development of poorer regions
can be considered targeting a European public good generating
a European value added. For regions already relatively well developed
in infrastructures and services, regional strategies and national
policies are the main factors affecting their development.
BETTER OBJECTIVES,
REINFORCED EARMARKING
AND IMPROVEMENTS
IN IMPLEMENTATION
10. Most of the problems of the structural
operations of the EU are not related to the measures, but to the
quality of implantation. Strategic planning, appropriate monitoring
and appropriate implementation are crucial, and the EU's system
is suboptimal at all levels.
11. Strategic planning is the main
element determining the impacts of the structural policies, which
includes the need for coherence of national macroeconomic policies,
such as fiscal or labour market policies. Incoherent programmes
with badly integrated investments can reduce considerably the
impact of EU investments.
12. It is necessary that national strategies
are evaluated by an independent body, separate from the European
Commission, and also drafted nationally by institutes independent
from the main state administration. The European Commission, for
example, has clashing responsibilities in the area of policy formulation,
evaluation and monitoring implementation. For policy formulation,
the evaluations for the impacts assessments should not only be
undertaken externally, but also the process of supervising the
evaluators should be run by an external agency. It is not possible
that evaluations of Community policies are demanded, evaluated
and paid by the same organisation that prepares the policy proposals,
controls the budget and supervises implementation; it affects
the neutrality of the process. The Commission is also influenced
by the pressures to have national strategies for the structural
funds approved on time and ensuring the absorption of the funds,
with quality and the achievement of objectives taking a secondary
place.
13. The European Commission can then concentrate
on policy-making, budget control and implementation issues alone.
The Commission would retain the mandate to prepare regulatory
proposals and monitoring the correct implementation of the programmes.
14. For the Planning process at national
level, it is highly advised that member states use also an independent
national agency to draw the strategy and evaluate the implementation,
reducing political interests and the wish of the administration
to have a strategy based on fast absorption rather than impact
quality.
15. For the implementation, there is a very
complex and illogical shared-management structure with the European
Commission, in which national authorities are in charge of implementation,
but the Commission is held responsible for the financial implementation
which it does not control directly. This reduces the member states'
responsibility on the quality of implementation. Cipriani (2006
and 2007) explains at length the implications of such a system.[5]
In fact, as EU funding is supranational in nature, implementation
and financial flows could be better managed and controlled by
agencies at national level funded and controlled by the European
Commission, or jointly run with the national administration.
16. There is also a need to make sure that
the actual objectives are reached by member states, rather than
using absorption capacity as the only measure of success. The
intensity of EU assistance should also be decided based on the
quality of implementation and the achievement of objectives. "Sunset"
clauses should be placed on spending programmes. Funding would
be discontinued after a certain period unless the usefulness of
the investment can be ascertained.[6]
NEW PRIORITIES
17. The present Financial Perspectives have
very much the same priorities and mechanisms as the previous one.
Even if the headings of the budget have been altered, the contents
is largely the same. Very little discussion on the underlying
substance has taken place during the negotiations besides the
division of the funds between member states. It is still very
much the "relic" which the Sapir report (2003) described.[7]
18. New challenges are clear and pressing.
Adapting the budget to promote growth at EU level, rather than
supporting agriculture or development only at regional level,
has been recognised as one main objective. Work on ensuring that
all policies are growth-enhancing or at least not incompatible
with a growth approach is necessary.[8]
Another challenge is to protect the environment and particularly
combating climate change.
19. A political will to liberate the EU
budget from considerations on a "fair" share of returns
is necessary, in particular for R&D investments. The recent
disputes on the allocation of a share of the Galileo programme
to each member state are a sign that the potential economies of
scale of EU action can be eroded significantly. The EU budget
investments have in several areas a theoretically large potential
to generate a European value added compared to individual action
by member states. In practice, the politicised way in which the
funds are allocated can erode much of the benefits. This in turn
reduces also the justification for using the EU budget for any
actions.
20. Given the rising environmental challenges,
action against climate change to reduce CO2 emissions and adapting
to expected changes is an urgent priority. CO2 emissions are a
clear cross-border issue, not only in terms of impacts but also
because many cross-border activities generate emissions, from
transport to energy supply. As such, combating climate change
should in many areas be handled at supranational level. It is
clear that there is a role to play by the EU, including for the
EU budget.
21. The first action starts by properly
integrating climate change concerns into the budget. Presently
climate change is squeezed into the programmes ex-post, or by
relabeling existing expenditure as climate change investments.
There is no clear integrated approach in place yet. Issues such
as energy efficiency or investments to reduce emissions in transport
should become better integrated into structural funds and imposed
on the strategic planning of member states for the use of EU funds.
Earmarking funds for climate change could be one approach. This
should not only affect structural funds (including the rural funds,
for example for investments in the food industry and farms).
22. In addition, for important and central
climate change investments, a specific budget heading could be
introduced, this would ensure that countries invest a clear minimum
share of funds in this area. Funds for improving the energy sector
efficiency could become a part of this fund, as well as funds
to promote transport by rail or waterways. Elements already exist
in the Trans-European Networks.
9 January 2008
2 See Nuñez Ferrer, J (2007), "EU budget
and policy reforms in order to promote economic growth",
ITPS working document R 2007:015; and Nu«n¥ez Ferrer,
J (2007), "The EU Budget, The UK Rebate and the CAP-Phasing
them both out?", Task Force Report, CEPS, Brussels. Back
3
See Boldrin M and F Canova (2003), "Regional Policies
and EU Enlargement", in European Integration, Regional Policy,
and Growth, eds Funk, B and Pizzati L, The World bank, Washington
DC, and Tarschys, D (2005), "The Enigma of European Value
Added", Sieps 2005:4. Back
4
Martin P (2005), "The geography of inequalities in Europe",
Swedish Economic Policy Review, Vol 12, pp 83-108. Back
5
Cipriani G (2006), "The Responsibility for Implementing
the Community Budget", Working Document 247, CEPS, Brussels;
Cipriani, G (2007), "Rethinking the EU Budget: Three Unavoidable
Reforms", CEPS, Brussels, pp 150. Back
6
Gross, D and Micossi, S (2005), "A Better Budget for the
European Union-More Value for Money, More Money for Value",
Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) Policy Brief No 66 (www.ceps.be) Back
7
Sapir, A, P Aghion, G Bertola, M Hellwig, J Pisani-Ferry, D
Rosati, J Vin¥als and H Wallace (2003), An agenda for
a growing Europe: Making the EU economic system deliver, Report
of an independent High-Level Study Group established on the initiative
of the President of the European Commission, Brussels, July. Back
8
see Nu«n¥ez Ferrer, J (ibid). Back
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