Select Committee on European Union Twenty-Second Report


CHAPTER 8: Is the Commission's Near Monopoly Desirable?

THE RATIONALE

141.  The rationale for conferring a near-monopoly on the Commission is usually attributed to the recognition by the founding states that a body representing the collective interest of the EU would be better placed to act in the general interest, and would be trusted by each Member State to act impartially. Professor Peers said that it was considered preferable to let the Commission, as a neutral actor in the institutional framework, have the right of initiative, on the assumption that a Member State might make proposals in its own economic interest. He thought the more limited scope of both the objectives of the Communities and the subject matter of the original Treaties, comprising economic and other more technical matters, also played a part. A further reason was that the smaller states saw the Commission as a bulwark against their interest being overridden by the larger states. (Q 1)

LEGITIMACY

142.  The near-monopoly gives the Commission real power within the institutional framework, even if its relative power has been seen by some as diminished by the more recent Treaties, in particular by the increased role for the European Parliament. That monopoly of initiative is sometimes criticised on the grounds that the Commission does not have democratic legitimacy.

143.  Lord Kinnock described the Commission as having a "monopoly right of pulling things together, trying to present them in a coherent form, initially consulting exhaustively about them, and then eventually putting them in the form either of a policy draft or into draft legislation". (Q 103) In his view, the legitimacy of the Commission is not definable in democratic terms. Indeed, he considered it a waste of energy to attribute democratic legitimacy to the Commission, since its roles do not require it. The Commission should be judged by its "operational legitimacy". If the Commission is efficient, relevant, prudent and accountable, "it has legitimacy as a policy-developing, law-enforcing, administrative executive". (Q 120)

IS THE MONOPOLY A GOOD THING?

144.  Lord Brittan of Spennithorne favoured continuing the present position. Looking at the historical position: "The whole thing is a great bargain of some genius". The founders of the EU did not want to create a federation (or at least recognised that would not get support) but wanted continuity and momentum. The "ingenious idea was to create a body which was not a government … which would have continuity and give that body the unique right of proposal … but leaving it to the Member States to decide whether or not to accept the proposals". He did not think anything had happened that suggested that balance was wrong, and to move away from the current position would mean either inertia or a move in a federal direction. (Q 95)

145.  Lord Kinnock agreed. He considered the monopoly gave substance to the Commission's roles as guardian of the treaties and enforcer of the law. It is the body which has to follow through the policies adopted by the Union, and thus contributes to the coherence of policy. (Q 117) Ideas may come from other sources but they have to be costed; account must be taken of the economic and environmental implications, and the effects on the Single Market; consultation has be undertaken; and an assessment must be made of the balance of opinion among the Member States. That is the role of the Commission. "That is not a jealous protection of the right of initiative; this is a pragmatic view of what is and is not likely to work". (Q 119)

146.  Catherine Day thought there were many reasons why the right of initiative makes sense today. The Commission works full-time in the European interest. It helps to make sure that proposals reflect a balance of interests across the EU, not those of the more powerful states or particular groups of states. In a union of 27 states, the legislating institutions would have great difficulty sifting through proposals if they could come forward from any of the states and, perhaps, also from the Parliament or its members. She added that the way in which the right of initiative is exercised has evolved over the years with the development of the roles of the other institutions and the culture of consultation. (Q 334)

147.  If support for the continued monopoly from the Secretary General of the Commission and two former Commissioners is perhaps unremarkable, more telling might be the view of the European Parliament. David Harley told us that the Parliament does "not quarrel with the Commission's right of initiative", describing it as part of the balance between the institutions which the Parliament considers important and to have worked satisfactorily. He noted an "unspoken trade-off between … the Commission's exclusive right of initiative and the Parliament's right and duty to hold the Commission to account". This had worked well up to now and was an important part of the EU system. (Q 398) As to accountability, Professor Rasmussen drew our attention to the requirement which would be introduced under the Treaty of Lisbon for the Commission to give reasons where it decides not to bring forward a legislative proposal in response to a request from the European Parliament or the Council (Articles 225 and 241 TFEU). (Q 34)

148.  The Minister for Europe told us that the Government are generally content that the Commission has the right of initiative. (Q 440) The retention by the Commission of a core set of powers was of "fundamental importance to effective governance of the European Union". (Q 450) Like a number of other witnesses, he thought some proposals arising from the Member States' right of initiative in the third pillar did not deserve the support of the Council because they showed a lack of preparation or forethought as to their impact on other states. The change proposed in the Treaty of Lisbon, to require Member State initiatives to secure the support of seven states reflected the fact that proposals without at least a degree of support were unlikely to progress. (Q 441)


 
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