Select Committee on European Union Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 160 - 166)

TUESDAY 24 JUNE 2008

Professor Dr Monica G W den Boer

  Q160  Lord Marlesford: Do you think that the reason this has taken so long is that there has not been treaty provision for it? After all, in theory countries can instruct Europol collectively without the EU and without European legislation on treaties.

  Professor den Boer: I would use two words to qualify the reasons, which are (a) intergovernmental, (b) veto. For instance, under the current political circumstances some Member States might consider vetoing the elaboration of the clause on the European Prosecution Service, which is currently within the Lisbon Treaty. Under a former drafting exercise this clause was almost kept out, so that is how you see how important the role of national governance is in the drafting process of treaty revisions and so on. The primary responsibility in the current situation still lies with the Member States.

  Q161  Chairman: Referring again to your written evidence, could you say something more about the implications of the European Parliament "putting forward interrelated requirements for discharging budgets of EU Community financed agencies"? How do you think this is likely to shape governance at EU level in the future?

  Professor den Boer: First of all, there is obviously a normative aspect to this point of view which is: should we really have an overall architecture for justice and home affairs governance? I think to begin with it is desirable if we try and create a framework with criteria for good governance, and good governance, of course, stands for accountability, transparency, legitimacy, external control, internal control and so on. With so many actors in this crowded policy space, as I would call it, it is difficult for those agencies to get their act together and I think that the Article 36 Committee, helped by the European Commission and possibly also the Council Secretariat, could play a very significant role here. They could even be backed up by the EU Anti-Terrorism Co-ordinator because, if you try and look at all this from his perspective, he tries to concert efforts on anti-terrorism in the European Union. It is awfully difficult to bring all those actors together so he will only benefit from a more overall architecture, or at least a framework for governance. Governance architecture is desirable from the point of view of transparency and accountability but I also think we should try and avoid the creation of a Justice and Home Affairs monster that you cannot control any more because it has become too strong and it has been supplied with a remit which is too big for us and which walks away from the national control and the national parliamentary scrutiny. As an interim arrangement, and in terms of improving the democratic accountability of Europol in particular, I do not see a reason why we should not go back to this idea of creating Parlopol which comes close to the lines of what the Lisbon Treaty proposes, ie, an early warning mechanism, so that the national parliaments will be in a position to impose early scrutiny of pre-policy proposals, if you like, when texts are still in the drafting process. That should allow parliaments to look at proposals early and also jointly so that they can inform each other about what is going on. It has been very difficult, even for our parliament in the Netherlands, to get hold of the documents on time, especially also in their mother tongue, which makes scrutiny awfully difficult. Timing is important, the language is important, and co-ordination of information is very important, between the European Parliament and the national parliaments. Mind you, I think the European parliamentary elections for 2009 offer a very good moment to put this back on the agenda. Obviously, the national political parties will prepare the papers in view of the European Parliament elections but they could definitely try and call for more attention to this issue.

  Q162  Lord Harrison: Do you have a view about the lingua franca that should be used by Europol? Is it that English de facto has become that common language? If there were to be a move towards a situation where de jure in effect it was laid down that English was the language, what do you see would be the problems and what would be the benefits?

  Professor den Boer: I am not sure I have a view but I can perhaps say something about it to the extent that, obviously, working with many different Community languages is too laborious, too costly, et cetera, so in a working environment I would allow English and French as the main working languages. However, when you move up the hierarchy, so you have, for instance, a Ministerial Council, you will have to allow the official languages which are being used within the European Union, and that has everything to do with what I said before, the scrutiny regime. You cannot really exercise sufficient scrutiny on a paper or a legislative proposal if you cannot do that in your mother tongue. For pragmatic reasons, therefore, I think at the working level it should be English and French, but at the political level the official languages of the Member States.

  Q163  Lord Young of Norwood Green: Professor, I would like to come back to intelligence-led policing and it depending upon exchange of information. When you think about the wealth of information out there, it is not the amount of information; it is really the quality. How do you strike that balance so that you do not suffer from information overload and at the same time there is that scepticism about the security of exchange of information anyway, so you have a number of facets to it? The overload thing seems to me counter-productive in trying to achieve what you want to achieve. It is like panning for gold, is it not? There is an awful lot of dross before you find a minute speck, so is less more?

  Professor den Boer: I also would like an emphasis on quality rather than quantity, but within the national law enforcement environment I still see a very strong preference for gathering as many data as possible. Obviously, this is enhanced and facilitated by the many new regimes which we have recently introduced, such as PNR, Passenger Name Retention. We also have, of course, the EU Telecommunication Directive. We have many national ways in which we can gather and collect data on individuals, so we have stocks and stocks of personal data. It has been suggested that the Schengen Information System currently contains 20 million data and we do not know whether they are polluted or contaminated. We do not really know whether the quality is good or not. That is a very important aspect because otherwise you make mistakes in your enforcement chain, I would say. If you do not start with good quality information then obviously you are going to run up against a problem somewhere in the process. I would suggest that here we also need a culture shift. We have to move from quantity-oriented intelligence gathering to quality-oriented intelligence-gathering, but we will need some efforts and we need again visionary leadership within the national police bodies for that to happen.

  Q164  Chairman: Could I end with two short questions? First of all, you mentioned the possibility of the Italians vetoing various proposals. What sort of veto are you talking about, because I ought to know this and I do not? Is it a veto based on the fact that there has to be unanimity over something or is it the other one under QMV where, if a nation claims a vital national interest, you have to get a blocking minority to support you in that to apply what is called the veto? The veto in QMV terms is an extremely loose definition which people use without understanding how it works. Secondly, how would you improve Europol's image from the perspective of your students?

  Professor den Boer: I will take first of all the question about Member States and their use of veto powers. The example I gave you was not a veto-related context. Obviously it is very important even in a drafting process to reach consensus, because when you know that you are going to be vetoed later on you might as well just try and create a compromise text. Yes, the position of the Member States, I think, is extremely important as long as the Justice and Home Affairs Council votes by unanimity. Vetoes do not always happen. I know from cases that Coreper, the Permanent Representatives' Committee in Brussels, will try and prevent these things from happening within the Justice and Home Affairs Council, so again this happens in political preparation of the final decision-making process. In the future, of course, it may still happen, but when it happened in the past the "salami" tactic was very popular. The salami tactic happened when the Financial Interest Convention was going to be adopted by the Justice and Home Affairs Council. They could not agree on the whole text so they salami-d the whole text in pieces and achieved agreement on the heart of the instrument and left the other parts of the instrument to protocols. This is what happens in the daily reality of unanimous decision-making.

  Q165  Chairman: But you said that in certain circumstances if there was one proposal made some Member States would veto it.

  Professor den Boer: Yes, but the political representatives in Brussels would do everything to prevent that from happening, because obviously it would be embarrassing to the relevant Minister would lose his good image.

  Q166  Chairman: I know exactly what goes on because I can remember the Germans applying the veto when I was President of the Agriculture Council. I remember all the shenanigans that went on around it but that was a veto where they had to acquire a blocking minority from other countries to support their claim for vital national interest; otherwise the things falls, and the British were rolled over back in 1978 or 1979 when they said this was a vital national interest. They could not get the blocking minority and they were rolled over.

  Professor den Boer: But, of course, what the Member States will do is find other ways to circumvent unanimous decision-making. Look at the Prüm Treaty. This is a form of enhanced co-operation. It is a snowball effect and later on you try and make more Member States a member of your partnership or whatever. Enhanced co-operation will be the future bypass construction, I think, as long as the veto regime prevails. On your other question, Europol's image, I think making students responsible for, let us say, assignments about Europol, making them familiar with the products of Europol (and many of my students do so already) will mean they become increasingly familiar and also more and more enthusiastic about the agency, but the most important thing is that they will all become truly international police officers themselves.

  Chairman: Thank you. You have been most interesting and most helpful to our inquiry. We have, very rudely, kept you five minutes later than your deadline, and wherever it is you are going will you make our apologies for your lateness? Thank you so much. We have really enjoyed it.





 
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