26TH REPORT: THE EU AND THE MIDDLE EAST
PEACE PROCESS
Letter from Kim Howells MP, Minister of State,
Foreign and Commonwealth Office to the Chairman
I thought I should write to you following the
publication of your Committee's Report on "The EU and The
Middle East Process" on 24 July, which followed my evidence
session in April.
The Government welcomes the quality of analysis
and depth of expertise, reflected in your report. Your Report
contained a number of Conclusions and Recommendations. I attach
a note covering these points. I look forward to continuing contacts
with the Committee.
October 2007
GOVERNMENT RESPONSE
Conclusions and Recommendations
166. The credibility of the Middle East
Peace Process needs to be restored by a renewed, concerted and
sustained effort by the whole international community. We believe
therefore that the EU, which has many interests at stake in this
region, should participate actively and forcefully in such an
effort. (Para 5)
The Government agrees with the Committee
that the international community should make a concerted and sustained
effort to make progress towards resolving the conflict. The EU
has a keyrole to play in this. We are pleased that Prime Minister
Olmert and President Abbas have been meeting fortnightly and that
both sides have now established negotiating teams to look at core
issues in the build up to the US-hosted international meeting
in November. This is an important opportunity, not only for the
Israelis and the Palestinians, but also for regional and international
partners. But we expect a substantive meeting with concrete results.
On 8 October the Prime Minister said: "we would like to see
an agreement that puts the Israelis and Palestinians on a path
to real negotiations in 2008 leading to a final settlement of
two states living side by side in peace and security."
Our objective is to return to a formal
negotiation process as soon as possible. A negotiated two state
solution is manifestly the best way forward and it is in all of
our interests to make rapid progress towards it. The engagement
of regional partners will be crucial. The Arab Peace Initiative
will be an important part of the way ahead.
The bedrock of our approach remains: first,
to be unstinting in our support for the principle of a two-state
solution; second, to give every support to those who are committed
to peaceful progress in the region; and third to support economic
and social development across the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
The peace process needs a multi-faceted approach, with economic,
security and social development tracks supporting the political
process.
The EU has a crucial role to play. In its
own right and as a leading member of the Quartet, the EU is already
heavily engaged in trying to secure a just and lasting peace in
the region. The EU also plays a key role economically, as the
largest international donor to the Palestinians and as a trading
partner with both Israel and the Palestinians. We have two ESDP
missions: one in country to lend support at the border at Rafah,
another takes the lead in supporting reform of the Palestinian
Civil Police.
The EU is now developing additional roles,
including building Palestinian institutional capacity. The Quartet
announced on 27 June the appointment of Tony Blair as Quartet
Representative with a mandate that includes: mobilising international
assistance to the Palestinians; identifying and securing support
for the institutional governance needs of the Palestinian state;
and developing plans to promote Palestinian economic development.
The Temporary International Mechanism,
originally set up by the European Commission to ensure emergency
funding reached those who needed it following the boycott of the
Palestinian government, has now been extended by the Quartet until
31 December 2007. The international community, with Commission
and UK support, is working to establishing a co-ordinated multi-donor
successor. The Commission is also working on a mechanism to help
reduce Palestinian Authority private sector arrears.
167. The EU's consistent support since 1980
for a negotiated two-state solution as the basis for a final and
comprehensive settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has
subsequently gained the adherence of the majority of the international
community and, above all, since 2002, of the US. This is one of
the major successes of EU diplomacy in the MEPP,particularly in
influencing the evolution of US policy. The seriousness of the
current situation is a major test for the EU, which again needs
to put its full weight behind the search for a comprehensive solution.
For 20 years extremists have been allowed to dictate the agenda.
Any resumed peace process now needs to be proofed against their
acts. (Para 11)
We agree with the Committee that the EU
has played, and continues to play, a significant role. The EU
values its close relationship with the US on the MEPP. Together
we are continuing to work towards the establishment of two states,
Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security.
We are working to create the conditions for formal negotiations
to start between the parties, and to ensure that confidence-building
steps are taken to underpin such negotiations.
168. We are not convinced that the Road
Map, as originally conceived in 2003, is the only vehicle for
progress, and consider that the interim steps it describes should
no longer be pursued to the exclusion of the consideration of
final status issues such as the territorial limits of the two
states, the fate of refugees and the status of Jerusalem. We are
reinforced in this view by the recent statement by High Representative
Javier Solana that the time has come for the EU and the Quartet
to focus more directly on resolving the issues, which are at the
heart of the conflict. (Para 20)
Clearly the precise timescale envisaged
in the Roadmap no longer applies. But we continue to believe that
the Roadmap principles, and its vision of the need for interlocking
confidence building measures in key areas by both parties, remain
relevant. The Roadmap has been endorsed by both the parties and
the international community, giving it continued validity.
We agree that an independent, democratic
and viable Palestinian state peacefully co-existing with a secure
Israel, and an end to the occupation that began in 1967, must
remain the basis for a solution to this conflict. Our entire policy
on the Middle East Peace Process is based on this principle. Achieving
this remains one of our key foreign policy priorities. We are
determined to work actively with the parties and our international
partners to this end.
169. We believe that the EU needs to explore
more imaginative ways of re-engaging the Israelis in the search
for peace. EU policy contains a clearly stated position calling
on the Israeli government to take "further steps, including
the freezing of settlement activities and dismantling of settlement
outposts and Israeli abstention from measures which are not in
accordance with international law, induding extra-judicial killings
and collective punishment." (Para 26)
The EU remains fully engaged with Israel
in the search for peace and regularly lobbies on issues like settlements
and the barrier. The EU understands Israel's security concerns
and condemns the violence by Palestinian militant groups, which
seeks to undermine the prospects for peace. We believe the current
EU policies towards Israel are the right ones and welcome the
work of the EU High Commissioner, Javier Solana, and the EU Special
Representative, Marc Otte, in taking these policies forward with
the Israelis.
170. We believe the EU needs to use all
the instruments at its disposal. The European Neighbourhood Policy,
in particular, offers a promising route through which the EU can
work for a deepening bilateral relationship with Israel within
the context of steps towards resolving Israel's conflict with
the Palestinians. The EU needs to make clear to the Israeli government
that there could be opportunities for developing the relationship
within the Neighbourhood Action Plan. Conversely, a lack of engagement
by Israel in the MEPP would in the long run hinder the process
of economic harmonisation and bilateral technical and security
co-operation. (Para 33)
Israel was the first country to agree with
the EU an Action Plan under the European Neighbourhood Policy
(ENP). Through the ENP, the EU invites its neighbours, on the
basis of a mutual commitment to common values, to move beyond
existing relationships to offer a deeper political relationship
and economic integration.
The ENP Action Plan, with the EU/Israel
Association Agreement, is a key tool for the EU not only to enhance
co-operation with Israel, but also to raise issues of concern.
The Action Plan contains a number of commitments in relation to
the MEPP.
The EU/Israel Reflection Group, at which
EU Member States are represented by the Presidency, offers a forum
for Israel to put forward proposals for deepening its relations
with the EU. While the EU Presidency is not currently mandated
to enter into negotiations at this forum, there may be opportunities
for developing the relationship within the Neighbourhood Action
Plan.
171. We are gravely concerned about the
security, human rights and socio-economic situation in the occupied
Palestinian territories. It is becoming evident that the Quartet
approach contributed nothing to ameliorate the crisis. (Para 40)
We share the Committee's concern about
the situation in the OPTs. The international community has always
made clear its desire for peace and its willingness to work with
all those that share that goal. The socio-economic decline in
the Occupied Palestinian Territories has been caused by a number
of factors including: increased restrictions on movement and access;
Israel's decision to withhold Palestinian clearance revenues (though
these have recently been restored); reduced flows of migrant labour
into Israel; and the Palestinian Authority's fiscal policies.
Last year, the European Union gave over
€680 million to the Palestinians, more than in any previous
year. Without this assistance it is clear that the situation would
have been far worse. Whereas the World Bank forecast a 27% economic
decline at the start of 2006, this was reduced to only 10% due
in large part to increased aid levels. During 2007, the EU has
stepped up its assistance even further, and is scheduled to deliver
over €800 million.
172. The EU should engage more urgently
and consistently with the Israeli government to persuade them
to transfer the remainder of the withheld Palestinian tax and
customs revenues to the Palestinian authorities in a way that
benefits all Palestinians 33. (Para 41)
We welcome the resumption of Palestinian
tax and customs revenues transfers, which are now taking place
regularly alongside additional payments of withheld arrears. We
expect Israel to transfer the arrears in full.
173. We believe that the European Union's
support for a Palestinian coalition government, induding Hamas,
could not have been unconditional. To require that a Hamas-led
government not only renounce attacks on Israel but also use its
governmental authority to prevent such attacks by others was entirely
justified. (Para 45)
We appreciate the Committee's support.
174. However, the EU should not allow the
peace process to be held hostage by any faction, individual, or
state. The history of the Middle East is scarred by peace initiatives
that have been derailed by extremists on both sides. Although
each situation is different, recent experience in other situations,
such as Northern Ireland, can serve as a source of inspiration
and valuable lessons on how to bring into the peace process individuals
and movements who previously espoused violence and how to avoid
the process succumbing to acts of violence.(Para 46)
We agree with the Committee. The international
community has always made clear its desire for peace and its willingness
to work with all those that share that goal. On 17 September,
we published a report on the "Economic Aspects of Peace in
the Middle East" which draws inspiration from the Northern
Ireland peace process and the role of the business community there
in promoting peace, condemning violence and enfranchising the
population through economics.
175. We believe that the EU's objective
should be to attempt to maintain a peace process that is as inclusive
as possible, while firmly rejecting attempts by outsiders and
extremists to derail it. Dialogue with the key parties is an essential
aspect of the peace process, and channels of communication should
as far as possible be kept open. (Para 47)
We agree with the Committee that the peace
process should be as inclusive as possible, and that we should
firmly reject attempts by outsiders and extremists to derail it.
We have made clear that we are willing to work with all those
whose words and actions reflect the Quartet principles (non-violence;
recognition of Israel; and acceptance of previous agreements and
obligations, including the Roadmap). These principles are an essential
basis for progress.
176. The requirement that the Palestinian
government accept and respect positions established collectively
by the Arab side, most recently at the Arab League Summit in Riyadh,
is entirely justified. But conditions about the formal recognition
by Hamas of the state of Israel amalgamate elements of any final
status negotiations with the preliminaries to such negotiations.
We believe that the interpretation of the conditions set by the
Quartet was undesirably rigid and we would urge the government
and the EU to reconsider the precise formulation of any conditions
and to apply them in future with a reasonable amount of flexibility.
(Para 51)
We do not agree that the Government's interpretation
of the three Quartet principles was undesirably rigid. Rejecting
those principles means rejecting peaceful negotiations and the
two-state solution. The Quartet principles are no more than what
was demanded of the PLO in the 1990s as the essential basis for
progress.
We were very clear that we would engage
with those members of the National Unity Government whose words
and actions reflected the Quartet principles. The issue was not
whether they were Fatah or Hamas, but whether they lived up to
the responsibilities of Government. In the case of Hamas Ministers,
given their history, we needed some time to make that assessment.
177. We are concerned that military support
for one faction over another heightened tensions in the occupied
Palestinian territories. (Para 55)
We share the Committee's concerns and therefore
only support the legitimate security forces of the Palestinian
Authority.
178. We also believe that the EU should
engage in a frank dialogue with the United States on this issue,
with a view to ensuring that all aid provided by members of the
Quartet improves the cohesion of the Palestinian administration
and avoids increasing tensions. (Para 56)
The EU engages closely with the US, both
in capitals and on the ground. We already work to ensure our aid
is complementary. An example of this is on Security Sector Reform.
The US has taken the lead in reforming the Palestinian Authority
Security Forces under the leadership of General Dayton and the
EU has taken the lead in reforming the Palestinian Civil Police.
Both programmes are designed to improve security on the ground
in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The UK has provided a
police adviser to General Dayton's team to ensure coherence between
the EU and US's security sector work.
179. We also believe that it is a necessary
condition for any peace settlement between Israel and its Arab
neighbours that there should be a Palestinian Authority capable
of fulfilling any responsibilities it has accepted under such
a settlement. It should also be able to provide stability and
good governance within the Palestinian party to a two-state solution.
Accordingly, the European Union needs to keep that ultimate objective
firmly in mind at every stage of its dealings with the Palestinians
and Israelis and the wider international community; and to concentrate
its efforts on moving towards that objective. The provision of
emergency humanitarian aid by the EU must not conceal the need
to move as soon as possible to a situation where the EU's resources
go directly to properly constituted Palestinian governmental institutions.
(Para 57)
The Government agrees with the Committee
that the international community should move towards direct financial
assistance as soon as possible. We are working with partners in
the EU and elsewhere to develop the conditions that will make
this possible. DFID officials are working with the Commission
and the Palestinian Ministry of Finance to develop a mechanism
by which donors can contribute directly into the Single Treasury
Account to assist in paying off the PA's private sector arrears.
DFID has earmarked £3 million to be used for this and is
encouraging others, including the Commission, to contribute. Over
the medium term, DFID is working with partners in both the Commission
and the World Bank to develop mechanisms for direct budget support
to the PA linked to dialogue on urgently needed reforms. DFID
is also providing technical experts to assist the Ministry of
Finance prepare a medium term development plan and budget, which
will be an essential pillar of future budget support.
The UK strongly supports Tony Blair's appointment
as the Quartet Representative and has seconded four officials
to his team. Tony Blair's mandate includes building the capacity
of the Palestinian Authority and promoting Palestinian economic
development.
180. The present situation on the ground
is far removed from the stated objective of creating a viable
Palestinian state. But the "Mecca agreement" between
Hamas and Fatah, brokered by the Saudi government offered, the
possibility of a first step along that road. The European Union
needs, by its statements and its actions, to encourage further
progress along these lines. (Para 58)
The Government agrees with the Committee
that the Mecca Agreement offered the possibility for progress.
The EU encouraged further progress through its statements and
actions, including through its General Affairs and External Relations
Council conclusions which stated: "The EU recalls its readiness
to work with and to resume its direct assistance to a Palestinian
government whose policy and actions reflect the Quartet principles.
In that context, it continues to closely evaluate the policy and
actions of the new National Unity Government. It has initiated
co-operation with members of the government who accept these principles".
181. We believe that a key role for the
EU in the EU/US relationship is to press upon the US the importance
to the future of the region of its sustaining an active, balanced
and consistent interest and engagement in the MEPP, and supporting
the Palestinians as well as Israel in achieving the two state
solution. In pursuit of this objective, the EU and Member State
governments should give their full support to their parliamentarians,
in making full use of the existing relationship and in increasing
links to explain and discuss the European position with their
counterparts in the US Congress. (Para 63)
The Government believes that the US is
already engaged, supporting the Palestinians as well as the Israelis
in achieving the two-state solution. Secretary Rice regularly
visits the region and the US, as announced by President Bush in
his 16 July speech, will host an international meeting later this
year. The US also supports Security Sector Reform through US General
Dayton's team and committed over $70 million to the Palestinians
in 2006. The Government welcomes the input of parliamentarians.
182. We acknowledge the importance of the
diplomatic energy and commitment to reviving the MEPP demonstrated
in recent months by Saudi Arabia and other Arab League states,
and the facilitating role played by Saudi Arabia in the formation
of the Palestinian National Unity Government as having been one
of the most helpful developments in recent months. While it is
premature, and perhaps unwise, to focus too closely on the machinery
and form that the new, and unprecedented, engagement of the Arab
states in the MEPP will take, the EU and other members of the
Quartet should take seriously and encourage the renewal of Arab
regional leadership. Recent initiatives, such as the designation
by the Arab League of Egypt and Jordan as the League's interlocutors
with Israel and the Palestinians in the MEPP, should be fully
supported by the EU. (Para 70)
The Government agrees with the Committee's
conclusion that the League of Arab State's Arab Peace Initiative
(API) is a positive proposal. We welcomed the API as an important
contribution to the MEPP when it was first announced in 2002,
and reaffirmed that after the 2007 Arab League Summit in Riyadh.
We particularly welcome the role of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia
in advancing this initiative, and the positive role of other regional
states, including Jordan, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.
The API offers the potential of normalised
relations between Israel and the Arab world on the establishment
of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders. The EU has a key role
in engaging the Arab League and encouraging them to discuss their
proposal with Israel. The EU welcomed the meeting on 4 May between
the Quartet and members of the Arab League Follow-Up Committee.
We also welcome the meeting between Israeli Foreign Minister Tzipi
Livni, Egyptian Foreign Minister Aboul Gheit, and Jordanian Foreign
Minister Abdelelah Al-Khatib in Sharm el-Sheikh on 10 May, and
the historic follow up visit to Israel by the Egyptian and Jordanian
Foreign Ministers on 25 July. The Quartet met the Arab League
on 23 September in New York.
183. We recognise the importance of the
EU continuing its engagement with Syria, not least to test President
Assad's seriousness of purpose. Syria has clear and legitimate
national and strategic interests at stake in the MEPP. Both the
Israelis and Palestinians have an interest in ensuring that Syria
does not undermine the prospects for peace, either by supplying
weapons to support Hezbollah attacks from Lebanon into Israel,
or by providing a safehaven and financial support for a Hamas
leadership in exile. (Para 76)
The Government agrees with the Committee's
conclusions that the EU should continue to seek to engage with
Syria with a view to encouraging them to play a more constructive
role in the region and testing their willingness to do so. Both
EU Member States and the EU High Representative, Javier Solana,
have taken steps to work with Syria to address a number of regional
concerns. Javier Solana's March 2007 visit to Damascus clarified
what would need to happen for Syria to progress its relations
with the EU. We will continue to support his work. However, Syria's
policies in a number of areas, including Iraq, Lebanon and the
Middle East Peace Process remain a cause for concern. The Government's
view is that a more constructive Syrian policy in the region is
a pre-requisite for progressing its relations with the EU.
The Government agrees with the Committee
that Syria has a legitimate national interest in the MEPP. The
Roadmap sets out steps to a comprehensive settlement, including
the Palestinian, Syrian and Lebanese tracks. We continue to be
concerned by Syria's support for Palestinian rejectionist groups,
including Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and others. Such support
only reduces the prospects for peace in the Middle East.
In Lebanon, we judge that Syria continues
to play an unhelpful role. Syria continues to support Hizbollah,
including by allowing arms to be smuggled across the border destined
for Hezbollah, in violation of UNSCR 1701. We continue to call
on Syria to cease any destabilising activity and develop a mature
and constructive relationship with Lebanon. Full implementation
of UNSCR 1559 remains the Government's objective in this context.
184. We believe negotiations for a comprehensive
settlement of the Arab-Israeli dispute must involve Lebanon, whose
political stability and viability is a necessary element for progress
towards such a settlement. We urge the EU to continue to give
fun support to the government of Lebanon, including by continuing
to support the establishment of an international tribunal to try
those suspected of involvement in the assassination of former
Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and other Lebanese public figures.
(Para 83)
The Government agrees that a comprehensive
settlement of the Arab-Israeli dispute must involve Lebanon and
that promoting stability in Lebanon is vital for achieving this,
including by supporting the Special Tribunal for Lebanon. The
Government worked closely with international partners at the UN
Security Council to ensure that the Special Tribunal for Lebanon
was established; indeed, the Government played a key role in the
process by co-sponsoring UNSCR 1757, which established the Tribunal.
Securing a just and swift outcome to the ongoing UN investigation
and to the future work of the Special Tribunal will remain a high
priority for the Government. In its Conclusions of 18 June, the
General Affairs and External Relations Council welcomed the adoption
of UNSC Resolution 1757 and called on all states and all parties
to fully cooperate with it.
185. The stability of Lebanon requires the
continuing absence of hostilities along the country's border with
Israel. We urge the EU therefore to give full support to UNIFIL
II in its strengthened form and mandate, including the prevention
of attacks on Israel from southern Lebanon, and to make clear
to Israel that any military action from their side will be met
by the condemnation of the international community. Given that
the only remaining territorial dispute in the area concerns the
Shebaa Farms, and in order to neutralise it as a source of conflict,
we suggest that the EU seeks to convince Syria and Lebanon to
refer the issue to the International Court of Justice, and to
convince Israel to declare that it will respect any judgement
by the Court and evacuate the area in dispute forthwith. (Para
84)
The Government agrees that maintaining
peace along the Blue Line separating Israel and Lebanon is critical
to the stability of Lebanon. The strengthened UNIFIL peacekeeping
force has played a vital role in maintaining stability since the
end of the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah last year. EU
Member States continue to make a major contribution to UNIFIL
and EU troops form the bulk of the peacekeeping force there. The
fact that there have been very few serious breaches of the Blue
Line since August 2006 attests to the value of UNIFIL and the
role they have played.
The Government remains committed to the
full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR)
1701, including on the Shebaa Farms. The UN has made important
progress on this issue and the next report by the UN Secretary
General on progress towards implementing UNSCR 1701 will include
the results of the UN's cartographic work to form an accurate
territorial definition of the Shebaa Farms area. This will be
an important step towards initiating discussions with the relevant
parties to resolve the issue of sovereignty. The Government maintains
that the Security Council is the best forum in which to forward
work on resolving this dispute, rather than other bodies such
as the International Court of Justice.
186. We believe that it is important that
the EU continues to engage with Iran diplomatically, but it should
not allow the content of these negotiations to "leak into"
or create a direct linkage to the MEPP. Iran should not be allowed
to have a veto over,the MEPP. (Para 91)
We agree with the Committee's conclusions
about Iran's role in the MEPP. We have long-standing concerns
about Iranian support for groups seeking to undermine the MEPP
through violence. We have called on Iran to renounce all links
to groups using terror and violence, and support a solution to
the Palestinian question based on the principle of two states
living side-by-side in peace and security.
The Foreign Secretary has made clear that
Iran has every right to be a proud and respected member of the
international community. It has the potential to play a constructive
role in the Middle East. We would welcome dialogue and engagement
with Iran in this vein. But Iran must also accept that it has
responsibilities to the region and the wider international community.
187. We believe that leading EU Member States
have an important role to play in any renewed peace effort and
that this needs to be coordinated within and designed to support
an overall EU position. The Government should direct the UK's
involvement with these objectives in mind. (Para 99)
The Government agrees with the Committee.
188. The EU has a very wide range of instruments
at its disposal, in addition to those available to the Member
States, and plays an important role in co-ordinating aid to the
Palestinian territories. We believe that the EU Member States
should carefully consider the value of engaging in competing or
paraller initiatives and demarches, and that they should closely
co-ordinate their efforts in the framework of a coherent EU policy.
(Para 100)
The Government agrees with the Committee.
189. We see the Quartet of the US, the EU,
Russia and UN as continuing to be the essential diplomatic tool
for co-ordinating the involvement of the wider international community
in any such peace effort. The EU has already played an influential,
but largely unacknowledged, role within the Quartet, introducing
innovative proposals for the way forward. We believe that the
EU's role within the Quartet needs to be more active and assertive
than it has been in the past, providing leadership with imaginative
ideas, including on final status issues and through engaging in
a frank and intensive dialogue with other partners, in particular
the US. This should however be done in private and with the aim
of building consensus as the best means to preserve the Quartet's
influence with both the parties to the conflict, with whom the
EU and the Quartet should seek to pursue an even-handed approach.
It is essential to ensure that fewer opportunities exist than
in the past for the parties to the conflict to exploit divisions
between international actors within the Quartet, and most especially
those between the EU and US. We urge the Government to seek to
ensure that the EU's representatives in the Quartet, notably the
High Representative, get the backing they need to play a more
active and assertive role. (Para 110)
The Government welcomes the Committee's
comments and agrees that the Quartet has an important role to
play. We strongly support Tony Blair's appointment as the Quartet
Representative and have seconded four officials to his team. Tony
Blair is committed to advancing the peace process, and brings
unparalleled international and diplomatic experience to the role.
His appointment has been strongly welcomed by the parties and
by the international community.
We agree with the Committee that the international
community needs to remain united and that the Quartet has helped
ensure this. We strongly support the EU High Representative's
work and the work of the EU Special Representative for the Middle
East Peace Process.
190. We welcome the greater role attributed
to the High Representative's office in providing a focus for collective
EU efforts, but consider that a more structured approach is required
to co-ordinate and synchronise the diplomatic efforts of the High
Representative with the economic and other instruments deployed
by the Commission. The pro-active role of Dr Solana has gone a
long way towards improving the situation. (Para 116)
We fully share the Committee's assessment
of the need for a structured approach to co-ordinate and synchronise
the diplomatic efforts of the High Representative with the practical
assistance and delivery work led by the Commission. We are grateful
to the High Representative's office for helping to provide a focus
for collective EU work and to the Commission for its efforts to
enhance cooperation and co-ordination within the EU.
191. We consider that the High Representative,
Javier Solana, assisted by the EU Special Representative, Marc
Otte, has worked very actively and effectively towards achieving
the objectives of the EU in relation to the MEPP. The question
now arises as to whether the EU has the capacity in place to participate
in intensive negotiations on a comprehensive peace settlement.
We would encourage the Council to make the necessary preparations
so that the EU can quickly mobilise a full negotiating team to
assist the peace process. (Para 117)
We welcome the committee's support for
Javier Solana and Marc Qtte. The Government strongly welcomes
their engagement, including the High Representative's role in
Quartet discussions. We believe that negotiations leading to a
comprehensive peace settlement need to be conducted between the
two parties. However, we will provide any support we can to help
facilitate a successful outcome.
192. We believe that the EU's extensive
budgetary assistance and humanitarian aid has been vital to the
establishment and maintenance of Palestinian institutions and
to sustaining the Palestinian people and this should be publicised
both in the region and outside. The EU should continue to make
every effort to monitor the distribution of its aid in difficult
circumstances. (Para 128)
We agree with the Committee's conclusion
that EU funding has been vital to the establishment and maintenance
of Palestinian institutions and in sustaining the Palestinian
people. In particular, the Temporary International Mechanism,
to which EU members (and Norway) had committed €513 million
by the end of September, has provided allowances to 150,000 public
sector workers and paid for more than 76 million litres of fuel
for electricity production to run hospitals, waterpumps and sanitation
facilities. EU assistance, despite being at record levels, has
not enjoyed a high profile. The secondment of a communications
expert to the TIM team has helped redress this.
193. The EU should link its financial and
technical assistance more directly to its political goals and
make that assistance conditional on progress in institutional
reform in the Palestinian territories and in the peace process.
The EU role is important to strengthening the Palestinians' capacity
both to assume their responsibility for achieving peace and to
enhance governance standards and accountability in the everyday
lives of Palestinian citizens which is critical to public support
for the objectives of peace. (Para 129)
We are working with the World Bank, EU
and other partners to create a mechanism for direct assistance
to the Palestinian Authority that will be based on conditionality
around institutional and governance reforms. It will also include
appropriate fiduciary controls. The UK government does not tie
its aid to political objectives as this runs against aid effectiveness
principles.
194. We firmly support the Temporary International
Mechanism (TIM) but believe that it has been no more than a stop-gap
measure, whose usefulness must not conceal or delay the need to
move as soon as possible to a situation where the European Union's
resources go to properly constituted Palestinian governmental
institutions. The TIM cannot be a substitute for more normal economic
conditions, in particular free movement and access, and the full
transfer of withheld Palestinian revenues by the Israeli government.
(Para 134)
The Government welcomes the Committee's
support for the TIM. We agree though that TIM should only be a
temporary measure. The priority now should be to provide direct
support to the Palestinian Government headed by Prime Minister
Salam Fayyad. On 17 July, DFID announced a £3 million contribution
to the Palestinian Authority to help pay private sector arrears.
We are working closely with the World Bank, EC and other donors
to create a mechanism for budget support, to which donors can
contribute.
We agree that donor assistance, including
the TIM, cannot and should not be considered a substitute for
revenues derived from increased economic activity, or from clearance
revenues owed by Israel to the PA. We continue to call on Israel
to remove restrictions on movement and access in line with their
commitments in the 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access. We welcome
the resumption of payment of clearance revenues arrears by Israel.
The humanitarian situation in the Occupied
Palestinian Territories and particularly in Gaza remains a concern.
We have made clear our desire to continue supporting all the Palestinian
people and DFID announced on 19 June a £1 million contribution
to the work of the ICRC in Gaza and the West Bank.
195. The TIM should accordingly not divert
the attention of the EU from the root causes of the insecurity
and poverty in the Palestinian territories. The Commission is
to be commended on the way in which it quickly set up the Temporary
International Mechanism in response to the boycott of the Palestinian
government and on its leading role in co-ordinating humanitarian
aid, including from the Member States. We would encourage the
Commission to continue to work towards the effective co-ordination
of humanitarian aid with other donors, including Arab states and
the United States. (Para 135)
We agree that the Commission's rapid establishment
of the TIM and its leading in role in co-ordinating humanitarian
aid should be applauded. We continue to promote the effective
co-ordination of aid and are working with the World Bank and the
Commission to establish a reform-based trust fund, to which other
donors can contribute.
196. We support the European Commission's
plans to establish a successor mechanism to the TIM, even though
the events of June 2007 re-opened the question of how EU funding
mechanisms would evolve. In the meantime it will be important
that aid should be available to Palestinians in all the occupied
territories. Strict guarantees should be provided that funds will
not be diverted to purposes other than those for which they are
intended and, over the longer term, particular attention should
be paid to reducing the aid dependency of Palestinians. (Para
141)
The Quartet has extended the TIM until
31 December 2007, while the international community works to establish
a coordinated, multi-donor successor. The UK is working with other
donors to ensure that any new mechanism will provide aid to Palestinians
in all the OPTs, and that it will not be diverted to purposes
other than those for which they are intended. Work with EC officials
on a mechanism for helping reduce the PA's arrears to the private
sector will ensure a strict set of fiduciary safeguards are in
place with oversight provided by an international audit firm.
The UK remains committed to reducing aid dependency. The Government's
recent report on "Economic Aspects of Peace in the Middle
East" makes clear that only the Palestinian private sector
can drive forward sustainable economic growth in the OPTs and
therefore reduce the Palestinian economy's dependency on aid.
197. We believe that work to set up EUPOL
COPPS should resume when conditions allow, but it should be re-oriented
and strengthened. The EU must address the weaknesses of EUPOL
COPPS. In particular, the mission must focus on capacity-building
and reform rather than equipment, and should strengthen rather
than weaken the rule-of-law. Co-ordination with other operational
actors and donors also appears to be an area of concern. (Para
153)
EUPOL COPPS has resumed full operations
now that Hamas are no longer in government. The mission is committed
to both transformational and operational development of the Palestinian
Civil Police. In the initial stages of re-engagement, they found
that practical assistance was also beneficial, in the form of
equipping and training police officers, and also assessing the
performance of individual police stations. Certain projects, such
as the refurbishment of the Jericho Training Centre also contribute
to longer-term capacity building. EUPOL COPPS personnel include
non-police experts to allow co-ordination with other parts of
the criminal justice sector, contributing to sustainable reform.
The mission is also engaging with other international actors,
notably General Dayton, the Blair mission, and the UK police expert
implanted within the office of the US Security Co-ordinator. EUPOL
COPPS will increase its presence by the end of October to allow
eight field officers to work alongside and mentor police leaders
at a governorate level and substantially enhance its Rule of Law
programme.
198. We believe that discussions with the
parties to the conflict and the members of the Quartet should
commence with a view to identifying whether the EU may be in a
position to support a peace settlement through the deployment
of a peacekeeping mission. In the light of these discussions,
the Council of the EU could consider undertaking scenario development
and planning work for a possible EU operational mission to the
Palestinian territories. (Para 155)
We welcome any proposal that will ensure
peace and security, but the deployment of a peacekeeping mission
would be difficult and require the consent of all the parties
on the ground. Our immediate priority is the ending of hostilities
and the provision of international aid to the Palestinian people.
But the EU will need to be open to the possibility of playing
a role on the ground as part of a final settlement
199. We believe that while the Euro-Med
Partnership has been useful in the past, it is now the European
Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) that can make a contribution to developing
relations with the parties to the MEPP. The advantage of the ENP
is that it allows the EU to develop bilateral relations, which
are suited to each individual partner country. Progress made by
each country is not dependent on progress made by other countries.
Under the ENP, the EU offers various financial and other incentives
to support the implementation of each country's Action Plan. (Para
161)
The UK strongly supports the European Neighbourhood
Policy, which is now the main framework for the EU's relations
with MEPP parties. ENP presents a single, coherent policy towards
all EU neighbours whilst allowing differentiation through individual
Action Plans tailored to the needs of each partner country. It
goes beyond existing relationships to offer a deeper political
relationship and economic integration, with the level of ambition
depending on the extent to which each partner demonstrates its
commitment to common values such as democracy and human rights,
rule of law, good governance, market economy principles and sustainable
development. An ENP Governance Facility has been established to
support neighbours in their reforms and a substantial Neighbourhood
Investment Facility will be set up shortly.
200. There is a danger that the situation
will deteriorate rapidly and that the crisis will spread beyond
the Palestinian territories. In addition, events such as those
of June 2007 may be used, as they have often been used in the
past, as an excuse for inaction and neglect. We do not believe
the international community can afford yet again to repeat these
errors and should recognise an even greater urgency in seeking
a solution. (Para 164)
We share the Committee's concern at the
situation in the OPTs, including the events of June 2007. We have
not and will not use this as an excuse for inaction or neglect.
On the contrary, we are working with our partners in the Quartet
to help ensure that the US-hosted international meeting moves
the peace process forward.
201. These recent events, in our view, reinforce
the overall conclusion of our report, that the EU now needs to
play a more active and imaginative role in the search for peace
in the Middle East than it has done in recent years; they underline
the importance of the main policy recommendations we have made.
Indeed our view is strengthened that the EU needs to increase
and sustain its effort to work more closely with all the main
players towards an inclusive peace process and settlement. (Para
165)
The Government welcomes the Committee's
conclusions. We agree that the EU needs to increase its efforts
and the UK is ready to play its part. We want to see the EU playing
an active role in all areas of the MEPP—political, security
and development. In 2006, the EU gave over €680 million to
the Palestinians. This has increased in 2007 to €800 million.
The EU Border Assistance Mission (EUBAM) is ready to resume their
border-monitoring role at Rafah as soon as the situation allows
and the EU is resuming and expanding the EUPOL COPPS mission.
We continue to explore with our partners, and, more importantly,
the regional players on the ground, ways in which we can push
forward the peace process.
October 2007
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