Select Committee on European Union Ninth Report


CHAPTER 7: Other Issues

The applicable law

140.  Operations at sea generally tend to be governed by international legal instruments rather than purely national ones.[68] The principal instruments are the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue (SAR). Both are agreements between States, and Frontex could not therefore be a party to them even if search and rescue was a part of its functions, which it is not, as a number of witnesses made clear.[69] But General Laitinen also emphasised that search and rescue was an international obligation incumbent on Frontex as much as on anyone else—even in the case of those whose distress is deliberately of their own making. It is beyond the remit of Frontex to label an operation as a maritime search and rescue operation; but, as an agency established by States which are subject to international law, it too is bound by that law (Q 246).

141.  The Standing Committee of experts on international immigration, refugee and criminal law (the Meijers Committee) sent us, with the evidence which they prepared specifically for our inquiry, comments which they had prepared for the European Parliament in October 2006 on the (then draft) RABITs Regulation. We have printed those comments with the evidence, since they consider in critical detail the operations to which we have referred, and in particular the law applicable to them. The Committee point out that "Member States taking part in pre-border control operations apparently operate under the premise that migrants still within the territorial waters of third countries fall under the exclusive responsibility of third countries". This in the Meijers Committee's view is mistaken; they believe that "Member States participating in such operations may be equally accountable under international law for possible human rights violations ensuing from these operations" (p 167).

142.  ILPA too had concerns about activities that are coordinated by Frontex but take place outside the territory of the EU. Dr Bernard Ryan explained that it was very difficult to see that Frontex had, as a matter of European Union law, a mandate to operate beyond the external borders of the EU. He thought that Frontex had stretched its mandate beyond what is set out in the Regulation. He felt that if Frontex was to act extra-territorially its role should be expressly set out, and that this should include explicit guarantees that it was governed by international law (QQ 402, 416, 417).

143.  The Schengen Borders Code is insufficient for this purpose. It applies within the territorial waters of Member States but not extra-territorially, and hence not on the high seas—still less in the territorial waters of third states. Dr Ryan pointed out, by way of example, that "the code gives a right of appeal against a refusal of entry; it is a bit hard to see how that is operating in the territorial waters of Senegal, to the extent that Frontex is coordinating refusals of entry to the European Union in some sense there. The code is not designed to address extraterritorial activity" (Q 423). Jonathan Faull confirmed that, while border surveillance can be carried out on the high seas, measures of interception and disembarkation are not covered by the surveillance rules of the Schengen Borders Code but are governed by the law of the sea, and so based on the jurisdiction and national legislation of the flag state of each vessel (Q 78).

144.  In May 2007 the Commission, in response to a request from the European Council, published a study on international law in relation to illegal immigration by sea.[70] The study examines Member States' control powers in the different sea areas (internal waters, territorial waters and high seas) and identifies the gaps in the international legal framework applicable to operations at sea which need to be addressed. On the basis of that study an expert group was set up which included experts from the Member States, Frontex, the International Maritime Organisation (IMO), UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).[71] When that group met in June 2007 it agreed to set up a drafting sub-group: the Law of the Sea/Frontex Guidelines Drafting Group. The United Kingdom is part of both groups. The drafting sub-group met three times in 2007 and again in February 2008; Mr Byrne told us it was hoped that these guidelines would be formulated early in 2008.[72]

145.  If Frontex were itself operating extra-territorially, and carrying out search and rescue and other operations on the high seas, we can see that its power to do so, and the principles guiding it when doing so, should be set out in the legislation establishing it. But so long as such operations, though coordinated by Frontex, continue actually to be carried out by the Member States, we see no need to amend the Frontex Regulation in this respect. However, given the complexity of the law governing operations on the high seas involving illegal immigration, we think it essential that the Member States taking part in operations coordinated by Frontex should follow clear guidelines clarifying their powers and obligations in the different sea areas.

Agreements with third countries

146.  Operating in the territory of a third state, including its territorial waters, is quite another matter. Here activities coordinated by Frontex cannot be carried out without the agreement of that state; and even with that agreement, there is some doubt as to whether the mandate of Frontex stretches so far.[73]

147.  Until now such cooperation has been based on agreements between a Member State and third countries; the legal basis for operations coordinated by Frontex in the territorial waters of Senegal and Mauritania is the bilateral agreements between Spain and those countries.[74] However Article 14 of the Regulation requires Frontex to "facilitate the operational cooperation between Member States and third countries", and allows it to conclude working arrangements with the authorities of those countries.

148.  Arrangements have already been concluded with the border guard authorities of Russia, Ukraine and Switzerland, and negotiations with Croatia are well advanced. The Management Board has given Frontex mandates to negotiate arrangements with ten other countries.[75] Of these, Libya is the country with which cooperation is most urgently needed, as was demonstrated by an incident in May 2007 when 27 Africans were alleged to have been left clinging to tuna nets for three days and nights while Malta and Libya argued over whose responsibility it was to save them.[76] At precisely that time a Frontex technical mission was in Libya discussing questions of illegal immigration. Given its finding that Libya is "fundamentally a transit country from North Africa to Italy and Malta and thereon to the rest of the EU",[77] the mission concentrated as much on the highly porous Libyan southern border, but it recommended that a structured Mediterranean Sea Border Control Cooperation Framework should be developed to extend maritime cooperation in the Mediterranean to third countries, and that Libya should be invited to play a leading role.

149.  However this has not yet led to a working arrangement with the Libyan authorities. Major Mallia told us that he would like Frontex to move ahead at greater speed in negotiating with third states in addressing the problems on the Northern African rim, most specifically with Libya. He thought Frontex could and should take a much more substantial role because it brought with it the weight of the whole Union rather than a single Member State (Q 399). Such an arrangement, once negotiated, could be expected to require Libya to play a greater part in preventing would-be immigrants to the EU from leaving its shores, and taking back those who do leave while they are still in its territorial waters, in its search and rescue area, or on the high seas.

150.  Any arrangement would not be with Libya or its Government but with its border control authority; as General Laitinen pointed out, "we do not establish a partnership with a country or a government but [between] the border control authority of that third country and Frontex" (Q 268). However Ms Coelho thought that although Frontex working arrangements with third countries might be regarded as technical low-level operational agreements, an arrangement with Libya was part of a political relationship between the EU and Libya, and "could be seen as the EU agreeing that the way Libya treats people as it does on its borders and within its detention centres is acceptable" (Q 413).

151.  Dr Ryan pointed out that "Libya is not a party to the Refugee Convention; we just do not have guarantees about what is going to happen if they are returned" (Q 409). In particular, there are no guarantees that Libya will observe the obligation of non-refoulement. Other witnesses also made allegations of abuses and human rights violations to which persons were subjected when returned to Libya and other countries in North Africa.[78] It is precisely because a working arrangement with Libya would be seen as carrying the approval of the whole Union that the Member States should be concerned to influence the terms of any agreement or arrangement that is negotiated.

152.  We believe that working arrangements between Frontex and the authorities of third countries in the Mediterranean could play a valuable part in controlling illegal immigration to the EU. We hope that Frontex will carry forward the negotiation of such arrangements.

153.  Member States, including the United Kingdom, should however be concerned to ensure that any such arrangements with a third country include meaningful guarantees for the treatment of would-be immigrants repatriated to that country.

Links with UNHCR and other bodies

154.  We welcome the close links which Frontex is developing with UNHCR. In July 2007 Mr Soufiane Adjali was posted as Senior Liaison Officer to Frontex, and we took evidence from him on 23 October 2007 during our visit to Warsaw. He told us that a draft of an agreement between UNHCR and Frontex was then in the course of negotiation, and that Frontex had invited UNHCR to participate in the groups formulating a Core Curriculum for border guards (QQ 280, 299). The view of Ms Coelho was that "development of working arrangements with the UNHCR and IOM may lead to some mechanisms and relationships that can improve the ability of Frontex to respond to humanitarian needs and to see how people, once they arrive at the place where they are diverted or taken to, can be dealt with on reception. We think that the presence of a UNHCR position in the Frontex headquarters in Warsaw is a positive step ..." (Q 441).

155.  We welcome the cooperation between Frontex and UNHCR, and would like to see this extended to other bodies with responsibilities for immigration, asylum and refugees.


68   Mallia Q 371. Back

69   E.g. Faull Q 47; Deprez Q 92; Laitinen Q 246. Back

70   SEC(2007)691. Back

71   This is the Expert Meeting on the Study of International Law Instruments in Relation to Illegal Immigration by Sea. Back

72   Faull Q 54; Byrne Q 465; Home Office supplementary written evidence, p 152. Back

73   See the evidence of Dr Ryan quoted in paragraph 142. Back

74   Laitinen, Q 267. Back

75   FYROM, Turkey, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania, Senegal, Cape Verde, Moldova and Georgia. Back

76   Immigration Advisory Service p 164. The time "three days and nights" is also given by the International Herald Tribune (3 June 2007), but The Times says that the men were transferred to an Italian vessel after 24 hours.  Back

77   Report of the mission, paragraph 9.5. The report identifies five main migration flows: from Sub-Saharan western Africa, from the Horn of Africa, from Morocco and Egypt, from the Middle East, and from the Indian sub-continent. Back

78   Muggeridge Q 413; Immigration Advisory Service p 163. Back


 
previous page contents next page

House of Lords home page Parliament home page House of Commons home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2008