APPENDIX 3: CALL FOR EVIDENCE
The Foreign Policy, Defence and Development Sub-Committee
(Sub-Committee C) of the House of Lords Select Committee on the
European Union has decided to undertake an inquiry into "The
European Union and Russia". The Sub-Committee is chaired
by Lord Roper.
Since the Sub-Committee's report on "EU Russia
relations" in 2002, the international environment has changed
and Russia has become more assertive. The enlargements of 2004
and 2007 brought the EU and Russia geographically closer together,
with several of the new Member States now sharing a common border
with Russia. The dialogue on foreign policy and security challenges
has grown in depth and breadth, ranging from Kosovo and the Iran
nuclear question to the Middle East. Russia exerts considerable
influence in the EU's neighbourhood and further afield in the
Caucasus and Central Asia, and is therefore an indispensable partner
for dialogue in relation to the EU's eastern foreign policy objectives.
Energy has also moved up the EU-Russia agenda, with unresolved
issues including security of supply, the routeing of pipelines,
and the control of European distribution and storage assets by
state-owned Russian corporations.
Recently the EU-Russia relationship has suffered
from mounting tensions on a wide range of issues, including missile
defence, energy security and Russia's domestic politics. The Russians
tend to bracket the EU together with the United States and NATO
as "the west", which is sometimes seen as more of a
threat than a partner. But beyond the rhetoric, Russia and the
EU have a shared interest in maintaining good relations on a wide
variety of commercial, economic, and international issues.
Russia has acquired a new confidence, with President
Putin wielding a strong grip on the country and the buoyant economy
being fuelled by high energy prices. However, this apparent stability
hides several underlying factors of vulnerability. The economy
is diversifying, and attracting inward investment, but it is still
very dependent on the energy sector. Behind the apparent stability
which President Putin has introduced, lie weak political and legal
institutions, and a considerable degree of corruption. The political
landscape is due to change, with parliamentary elections later
in 2007 and the presidential election in 2008. Under the constitution
President Putin has to step down and there is growing speculation
about his successor.
The institutional framework for EU-Russia relations
is based on the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA), which
entered into force in 1997. The Agreement defines the main objectives
of EU-Russia cooperation, establishes the institutional framework
for bilateral contacts, and calls for activities and dialogue
in a number of areas. It is a "mixed" agreement covering
matters falling under both EU/EC competence and Member State competence.
The relationship was extended with the adoption of a new basis
for long-term cooperation in 2003, structured around four themes
or "Common Spaces": a Common Economic Space; a Common
Space of Freedom, Security and Justice; a Common Space on External
Security; and a Common Space on Research, Education and Culture.
The PCA has now expired, but its provisions pending the negotiation
of a successor continue to apply. These negotiations have been
held up due to concerns among some EU Member States, notably Poland.
In the light of the importance of EU-Russia relations
and the challenges the EU faces in meeting its foreign policy
objectives, the Sub-Committee believes the time is right for an
new inquiry into the European Union and Russia, focusing mainly
on, but not limited to, foreign policy and security questions,
which are at the heart of the Sub-Committee's remit. It will also
review the institutional framework for EU-Russia relations in
the context of the forthcoming negotiations on a new Partnership
and Cooperation Agreement and assess what added value the EU brings
or could bring to the relationship with Russia over and above
Russia's relationship with individual countries.
In the framework of this inquiry, the Sub-Committee
will consider written evidence. The Sub-Committee would therefore
welcome submissions on following questions:
| (1) | What are the main characteristics of the Russian political, economic and social system, and how are these likely to evolve in the future? What are the likely consequences of these trends for Russian foreign and security policy the future?
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| (2) | What is the nature of EU-Russia relations in political, trade, economic, environmental and social-cultural terms? What should be the fundamental objectives of EU policy with regards to Russia? What does the EU have to offer Russia in the context of a negotiation, and how can it best influence Russian thinking and policy?
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| (3) | Is the current institutional framework for EU-Russia relations, based on the PCA, the four "common spaces" and the "Northern Dimension" working well? What are the strengths and weaknesses of the institutional framework, and how could it be improved?
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| (4) | How successful have the EU's wide range of cooperation and assistance programmes been in attaining their stated objectives, especially in the fields of foreign and security policy; and rule of law, democracy and human rights? What potential is there for the EU's new cooperation and financial assistance instruments to be effective in Russia?
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| (5) | How can the EU contribute to managing relations between individual EU Member States and Russia? Have the Member States shown solidarity when under pressure from Russia? Is there a need for a greater unity and coherence of approach among the Member States towards Russia?
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| (6) | How is the EU perceived from a Russian perspective, and what are the underlying principles of Russian foreign policy towards the EU? Is there an increasing tendency for Russia to bracket the EU together with NATO and the United States, collectively labelled as "the west"? What are the implications of the above for EU policy towards Russia?
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| (7) | What impact does the foreign and defence policy of the United States have on EU-Russia relations? To what extent should EU-Russia relations figure as part of the transatlantic dialogue with the United States? What messages should the EU be seeking to convey?
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| (8) | How coherent is the EU's overall policy framework with regards to Russia? To what extent have the Commission, the Council and the Member States adopted a harmonised approach to relations with Russia? Is there effective co-ordination between their cooperation projects and programmes?
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| (9) | To what extent do Russian and EU interests and approaches coincide with regards to political developments in the countries of the former Soviet Union, including Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, the Caucasus countries, and the Central Asian Republics? Can Russia and the EU collaborate to solve the frozen conflicts in, for example, the Caucasus and Moldova, including by working together in multilateral institutions such as the UN, the OSCE and the Council of Europe?
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| (10)What cooperation is possible between the EU and Russia on questions of foreign and security policy, including non-proliferation, nuclear safety, multilateral disarmament, and crisis management and peacekeeping? How should the EU seek to deal with Russia's opposition to independence for Kosovo?
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| (11) | What is the nature of the Russia-EU dialogue with regards to energy questions? To what extent is Russia an indispensable partner, rival or obstacle for the EU in its efforts to attain the objectives of its recently adopted external energy policy?
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| (12) | What is the EU approach to the development of the political situation in Russia, including the rule of law, democracy, human rights, and good governance? What progress has been achieved by the EU, and how could the EU's approach and policies be made more effective?
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