Select Committee on Intergovernmental Organisations Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum by International HIV/AIDS Alliance

1.  THE INTERNATIONAL HIV/AIDS ALLIANCE'S INTEREST IN THE ROLE OF INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS TO CONTROL THE SPREAD OF HIV/AIDS

  The International HIV/AIDS Alliance ("the Alliance") is a partnership of civil society organisations working together to strengthen community responses to AIDS. Established in 1993, the Alliance has a secretariat in Brighton, UK, and civil society partners in 32 developing countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and Eastern Europe.

  The Alliance receives Programme Partnership Agreement (PPA) funds from the UK Department for International Development, and is supported also by development funding from the US Government and the European Union, along with development funding from the Governments of Sweden, Norway, Canada, Denmark and the Netherlands, along with support from private foundations and the Global Fund for AIDS, TB and Malaria.

  For over five years the Alliance has had a collaborative centre agreement with UNAIDS, the global co-ordinating organisation of the UN response to AIDS. The agreement acts as a focal point for our many joint activities. We also have a long history of working closely with WHO and Unicef to advance community based HIV treatment and care, and to advocate for child-centred responses to the needs of orphans and other children affected by HIV/AIDS.

  This work with these intergovernmental agencies on AIDS is "fed" by our HIV programming experience at the grass roots. Working with communities in 32 countries who are delivering HIV prevention, treatment and care services brings with it much valuable experience and insights.

  We therefore think that the Alliance is uniquely placed to respond to this inquiry—as an organisation that is responding to AIDS "on the ground", as well as working in partnership with intergovernmental organisations, and observing the practice of others.

2.  THE GLOBAL HIV/AIDS EPIDEMIC

  UNAIDS/WHO estimate[1] that the number of people living with HIV in 2007 was 33.2 million. Of those 33.2 million, they estimate that 2.5 million were newly infected in 2007.

  The number of people who died of AIDS in 2007 was 2.1 million, despite advances in anti-HIV treatment.

  These figures mean that on average 6,800 people become infected with HIV every day, and over 5,700 people die from AIDS, mostly because of inadequate access to HIV prevention and treatment services.

  These figures provide a compelling answer to the Committee's question as to the progress being made to reduce the spread of communicable diseases.

  UNAIDS and WHO continue to assert that the HIV pandemic remains the most serious of infectious disease challenges to public health.[2]

3.  THE MAIN UNDERLYING CAUSES OF HIV INFECTION, AND CHANGES IN INCIDENCE AND PATTERN

  HIV continues to be spread largely by unprotected sex and injecting drug use. The global prevalence of HIV infection is remaining at a steady level, although the number of people living with HIV is increasing because of ongoing new infections with longer survival times, measured from a continuously growing population.[3]

  In the recent past UNAIDS has illustrated a reduction in AIDS-related deaths, partly attributed to the recent scale up of treatment access.[4] Some localised reductions in HIV prevalence has been observed in some countries, along with a reduction in the number of annual new HIV infections.

  Global and regional trends in HIV epidemiology point to two main patterns in the evolution of HIV/AIDS[5]:

    —  Generalised epidemics—affecting large numbers of people from the general population—exist in many sub-Saharan African countries, particularly Southern African countries.

    —  Epidemics in the rest of the world that are primarily concentrated amongst marginalised populations—men who have sex with men, injecting drug users, sex workers and the sexual partners of sex workers.

4.  THE MAIN NON-HEALTH CAUSES OF HIV/AIDS

  Vulnerability to HIV/AIDS is shaped by a range of social and cultural factors. These vary in different settings, reflecting different cultural and social processes. Sexuality, the status of women, cultural traditions or taboos in relation to drug use, poverty and access to health care are all social factors that influence HIV vulnerability. Some of these particular social processes are described here.

4.1  Men who have sex with men

  Sex between men, particularly anal intercourse without a condom, is one way in which HIV and other sexually transmitted infections are transmitted. Although HIV prevalence rates among men who have sex with men are high in some countries; due to the relative invisibility of male to male sex, sex between men is likely to be an unrecognised factor in many national and regional epidemics.

  In a few societies sex between men is widely accepted; in some it is tolerated, and in many it is the subject of strong disapproval, legal sanctions and social taboos. Official indifference or hostility means that there are few HIV prevention and care programmes for men who have sex with men in developing countries. It also means that little research has been undertaken to discover HIV prevalence rates, how many men are at risk and how best to provide them with the information and skills they need to protect themselves and their sexual partners.

4.2  Sex workers

  Sex workers are key to the dynamics of most HIV epidemics; the potential for a large number of sexual partners increases the likelihood of exposure to HIV for sex workers and/or the possibility of exposing others to HIV.

  HIV prevention in the context of sex work rests on a range of factors including the legal and policy environments in which sex work occurs; the legal, social and economic status of sex workers; and the capacity of sex workers to organise themselves and to identify and implement effective responses to the challenges they face, including HIV.

  Although many countries criminalise sex work and thereby subject the act of buying or selling sex for money to criminal sanction; sex workers have the same human rights as everyone else, particularly rights to education, information, the highest attainable standard of health, and freedom from discrimination and violence, including sexual violence.

4.3  Injecting drug users

  Injecting drug use is estimated to account for one-third of new infections outside Sub-Saharan Africa.[6]

  Despite the importance of preventing HIV among injecting drug users, coverage of HIV prevention for this population is at best 5% globally.[7]

  Use of contaminated injection equipment during drug use is the major route of HIV transmission in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, where it accounts for more than 80% of all HIV cases. Unsafe injecting is also the entry point for HIV epidemics in a wide range of countries in the Middle East, North Africa, South and South-East Asia and Latin America.

  Beyond the physical risks associated with drug injection, drug users are vulnerable to HIV because of their social and legal status. Ironically, in many countries this means that HIV interventions are not legally available to drug users, or that drug users are unable or unwilling to access them for fear of recrimination or arrest.

4.4  Prisoners

  Prisons are sites for drug use, unsafe injecting practices, tattooing with contaminated equipment, violence, rape and unprotected sex. Conditions in most prisons make them extremely high-risk environments for HIV transmission, leading them to be called "incubators" of HIV, hepatitis C and tuberculosis. They are often overcrowded and offer poor nutrition with limited access to health care.

  Both male and female prisoners often come from marginalised populations, such as injecting drug users or sex workers, who are already at increased risk of HIV infection.

4.5  Women and girls

  The vulnerability of women and girls to HIV/AIDS is particularly significant in sub-Saharan Africa where 60% of those living with HIV/AIDS are women. That figure increases to 75% amongst 15 to 24 year olds. Sexual violence, early marriage, sexual harassment and harmful traditional practices such as female genital mutilation all increase womens' vulnerability to HIV/AIDS.

  The reproductive rights of women living with HIV/AIDS are regularly violated. HIV positive women experience generally very poor access to services to prevent mother to child HIV transmission, and HIV positive women are stigmatised for both not having children when social norms require that of women, as well as discouraged from for having children because of their HIV status.

4.6  HIV/AIDS is fuelled by human rights violations and human rights violations exacerbate the impact of AIDS

  Despite the fact that we have understood the relationship between HIV and human rights almost since the beginning of the epidemic,[8] human rights abuses continue to fuel AIDS and human rights violations continue to exacerbate the impact of the disease.

  The destruction wrought by HIV/AIDS is fuelled by a wide range of human rights violations, including sexual violence and coercion faced by women and girls, stigmatisation of men who have sex with men, abuses against sex workers and injecting drug users, and violations of the right of young people to information on HIV transmission.

  HIV prevention programmes continue to be stalled and undermined by these abuses, and assessments of the effectiveness of particular interventions continually fail to address the problem of the abjectly hostile policy environment for HIV prevention, treatment and care in the countries in which we work.

  Human rights violations only add to the stigmatisation of people at highest risk of infection and thus marginalise and drive underground those who need information, prevention services and treatment most desperately.

  Abuses also follow infection. People living with HIV/AIDS are subject to stigmatisation and discrimination in society, including in their communities, in the workplace and in accessing services.

  One of the most prominent and enduring insights arising out of the Alliance's HIV programming in the last twelve years is that effective prevention of the epidemic will be impossible as long as the human rights abuses that fuel infection, and follow it, go unaddressed.

4.7  No commitments to vulnerability reduction

  Global HIV prevention efforts continue to prioritise risk reduction and impact reduction interventions over vulnerability reduction interventions.

  Programmes that provide information to drug users about safe injecting, but then jail drug users for the possession of clean injecting equipment, only to rapidly intensify their vulnerability to HIV in prison. Programmes that provide sexual health services to sex workers but then provide no protection from violence and coercion to engage in unsafe sex. Programmes that educate girls about HIV transmission undermined by inadequate police and judicial responses to rape and by social and cultural norms that condone rape. Programmes that seek to educate men who have sex with men about HIV transmission undermined by violence, imprisonment and social exclusion.

  Just as human rights are essential to reducing vulnerability and mitigating the impact of AIDS, effective HIV programming depends on good governance, supportive laws and policies and the transparent and comprehensive application of the rule of law.

  In many of the countries in which we are working there is a profound and widening gap between what is said about the importance of human rights in relation to fighting the epidemic, and what is actually being done.

4.8  The global AIDS services gap

  The latest available data for coverage of services for HIV/AIDS prevention, care and support in low and middle income countries provides a compelling demonstration of the HIV services gap for sex workers, men who have sex with men and injecting drug users.

  Data from a UNAIDS/USAID/WHO/Policy Project study[9] estimates coverage of basic HIV services for injecting drug users at an appalling 5%. The same study estimates coverage of basic HIV services for men who have sex with men at 11% and for sex workers, 16% coverage. In the UNAIDS report for 2006[10] they cite coverage data from 2005 that shows only 9% of men who have sex with men received any type of HIV prevention service in that year, and that less than 20% of injecting drug users received any HIV prevention services.

5.  THE PRINCIPAL BLOCKAGES TO ACHIEVING PROGRESS IN THE PREVENTION AND CONTROL OF HIV/AIDS

  The July 2005 G8 commitment to universal access to HIV treatment, care, support and prevention marked a significant development in global AIDS policy. From that momentous commitment followed the 2005 World Summit Outcome (resolution 60/1), whereby all UN Member States committed to a massive scaling up of HIV prevention, treatment and care with the aim of coming as close as possible to the goal of universal access to treatment by 2010 for all who need it.

  And on 2 June 2006 at the High Level Meeting on AIDS, the UN General Assembly committed to scale up towards the goal of universal access to comprehensive HIV prevention, treatment, care and support by 2010.

  These commitments underline the imperative for rapid scale up of services to prevent and treat HIV/AIDS, and that support and care for those affected by AIDS.

  One of the chief tests of the commitment to universal access both at the national and international level must be to close the HIV services gap for those most at risk of HIV.

  Closing the HIV services gap, and improving the legal and policy environment for effective AIDS responses, requires significantly more resources than those that are available,[11] along with better instruments to deliver those resources to those most in need.

  The Alliance asserts here that neither the resources, nor the instruments to properly invest in fighting AIDS, are currently available.

6.  PATENT AND INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY LAWS ARE IMPEDING ACCESS TO ANTI-HIV MEDICINES

  The high cost of anti-retroviral treatment (ART) has been a significant barrier to universal access. This barrier has been substantially overcome in many countries at the onset of competition from generic manufacturers. Generic competition has reduced the price of first-line ART from $10,000 per patient per year to the current level of approximately $130 per patient per year. The impact on access to ART as a result of these price reductions cannot be overstated.

New and future ART[12] will not be so cheap. New intellectual property legislation in countries like India is pricing treatment beyond the reach of poor countries and poor people.

  Flexibilities within the TRIPS Agreement should be supporting countries to import and export generic medicines to protect public health. Yet the technical complexity of these flexibilities, along with political pressure—that often accompany Free Trade Agreements—undermine the ability of countries with high HIV burdens to benefit from these flexibilities.

  "Patent pooling", which allow for the collective management of intellectual property rights, offer some important potential solutions to overcoming the barriers to generic drug production.[13] Patent pooling is on the agenda of the WHO-led Intergovernmental Working Group on Access to Medicines, due to conclude its plans and recommendations at the end of April. Progress on patent pooling, along with other measures to advance generic competition and to strengthen the global research and development effort, will be crucially important to the future of access to ART.

7.  UK GOVERNMENT COMMITMENT TO INTERGOVERNMENTAL BODIES FOR THE FIGHT AGAINST AIDS

7.1  UNAIDS and WHO

  The Alliance welcomes the UK Government's support for UNAIDS and WHO as key technical agencies in the fight against HIV/AIDS. The normative guidance on HIV prevention, treatment and care provided by both agencies is vitally important, and in the main, of a high quality and drawing on the latest available evidence of effectiveness.

  WHO have importantly set out the evidence base for controversial but effective approaches to preventing HIV with, for example, injecting drug users. The Alliance welcome this guidance, but are advocating for a much bolder and active role for WHO in country dialogues with national governments who continue to ignore best practice and favour less controversial, less effective AIDS interventions.

  Discrimination in health care settings is widely reported by people living with HIV. WHO can play a much greater role in challenging HIV-related stigma and discrimination in health care settings by addressing the unscientific and discriminatory attitudes to HIV/AIDS held by health care workers across the world.

7.2  Unicef

  In a similar way, the Alliance values the normative and co-ordination role played by Unicef as the global technical lead agency on HIV and children and young people. The UK Government supports this global co-ordination and leadership role played by Unicef. However, the UK Government also supports Unicef's operational role as a programmer of services to children affected by HIV and AIDS at a country level. It is this role—as an operational programming agency—that is questioned here.

  The programming of services at national and sub-national levels is best undertaken by organisations that can promote sustainability and that can build capacity. The Alliance holds that UN agencies offer only limited potential as operational agencies, they have high transaction costs, and are unable to demonstrate impact. In the period of the last UK global AIDS strategy, the UK Government invested substantially in Unicef as the lead agency to deliver programmes to children affected by AIDS in Southern African countries. The success of this investment is unclear.

7.3  UNODC and the International Narcotics Control Board

  The UK Government supports the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) as the UN agency responsible for co-ordinating international illicit drug control activities. The illicit drug control system that the UNODC advances has as its primary purpose the restriction of the production, distribution and use of controlled drugs. This international system of law enforcement and drug control often clashes with and undermines the more health-oriented "harm reduction" approach to drug use, particularly in light of the particular vulnerabilities to HIV of drug users. This clashing of approaches results in the routine and large scale incarceration of drug users, and undermines needle exchange services, access to methadone and other opiate substitution treatment for drug users, as well as peer outreach services that educate drug users about HIV prevention.

  In amongst this clashing of approaches, UNODC are increasingly acting as operational agents—like Unicef—of HIV and harm reduction programmes across Asia. Whilst other parts of UNODC support governments who continue to routinely incarcerate drug users.

  UNODC policy on HIV/AIDS, harm reduction and drug use is variable, and often unscientific. And UNODC practice often undermines the commitments made by UNAIDS and its co-sponsors to advance the human rights of marginalised populations vulnerable to HIV/AIDS.

  This inconsistency is costly—both in financial and human terms. The Alliance urges the UK Government to play a much more active role in pursuing cohesiveness and consistency in UN policy on HIV/AIDS and drug use, which means for UNODC, a greater focus on protecting health and reducing the harm caused by drug use.

7.4  The Global Fund to fight AIDS, TB and Malaria

  The Global Fund is a crucial source of international funding for health, providing approximately 21% of funding for AIDS, 67% of malaria funding, and 64% of TB funding. By mid-2007, and since 2003, it has disbursed US$3.7 billion in 132 countries. These resources have provided ART for 1.1 million people, TB treatment for 2.8 million people, and distribution of 30 million insecticide-treated bed nets to protect against malaria. Many millions have received counselling, care, support and training. The Global Fund estimates that programmes supported by their funding have saved 1.8 million lives to date.[14]

  The UK Government has always been a strong supporter of the Global Fund and we assert that this must continue, and expand. We acknowledge some of DFID's concerns about the Global Fund—that an additional financing institution adds to transactional costs, and adds to the complex task of donor harmonisation at a national level. But the performance of the Fund, to make a substantial AIDS impact in only four years, is impressive. It is difficult to see comparable impact from some of the other intergovernmental agencies that DFID supports.

  The Alliance, along with other UK based international development NGOs,[15] are calling for a tripling of the UK Government's current annual contribution—from US$200 million in 2007 to US$600 million in 2010, in order to achieve the universal access commitments made in 2006.

  The Global Fund is a uniquely transparent and accountable financing mechanism that promotes country-led as distinct from donor-led or government-owned approaches. A cross-section of interests, particularly those of people with HIV/AIDS and other representatives of civil society, is represented in the governance of Global Fund. These open governance structures are supported by a variety of systems and processes—critically at both country level and internationally—that explicitly promote transparency and accountability. This is valued highly by global civil society and other stakeholders.

  This culture and practice of openness contrasts sharply with the culture and practice of other international institutions.

7.5  The World Bank

  The World Bank's progress on addressing AIDS has been variable. Its "business as usual" approach in the first decade of the AIDS epidemic, whereby AIDS was mainstreamed into broader development programmes, has been widely critiqued. In response to this criticism, the World Bank's Multi-country AIDS Programme (MAP), was established to resource much more substantial AIDS-focused programmes.

  The Alliance supports programmes such as the World Bank MAP that elaborate clear and precise AIDS targets, and that involve a range of stakeholders, including governments, but also importantly, civil society, in the planning and delivery of interventions.

  Given the UK Government's substantial investment in the World Bank as an intergovernmental agency involved in the global AIDS response, the Alliance urges much greater transparency— in terms of the UK Government investment, and in terms of the Bank's AIDS programmes and their impact.

8.  THE LIMITATIONS OF GOVERNMENT-TO-GOVERNMENT RESPONSES TO HIV/AIDS

  Whilst there is demonstrable progress in the amount of global resources available for HIV/AIDS, and progress on the number of people receiving anti-HIV treatment, UNAIDS evidence vast gaps in access to basic HIV services, particularly for those most marginalised.

  DFID acknowledge the special needs of these marginalised populations, yet invest large proportions of AIDS resources in national governments and in intergovernmental institutions that relate primarily to governments. This will never be enough to stop AIDS.

  The problem of national governments and their inability to direct resources to marginalised populations is evidenced by Sharma et al[16] who demonstrate the inability or unwillingness of national governments to know about or respond to HIV epidemics amongst marginalised populations:

    ... most countries surveyed are providing few resources to prevent or reduce epidemics amongst groups most vulnerable to HIV infection. In some cases, epidemiology and resource allocation are going in opposite directions. In most cases, some resources are provided, but as such low levels they are unlikely to have any significant impact on epidemics.[17]

  This problem is also recognised by UNAIDS:

    While funding for HIV programmes has increased in recent years, many countries fail to direct financial resources towards activities that address the HIV prevention needs of the populations at highest risk, opting instead to prioritise more general prevention efforts that are less cost effective and less likely to have impact on the epidemic.[18]

  The independent evaluation of the UK Government's global AIDS strategy identifies this problem as well:

    There are concerns that PRSPs may not be an effective mechanism for reaching priority groups, as a result of poor national prioritisation and political barriers to addressing sensitive and contentious issues.[19]

  The reviewers go on to recommend a flexible mix of financing instruments to address this problem.

  The National Audit Office, in its enquiry on global AIDS spending by the UK Government, highlighted how weak DFID's performance management of multilateral institutions was.[20] There has been little progress to address these weaknesses since they were identified in 2004.

  The Alliance acknowledges that national governments should always be the principle partners of the UK Government in AIDS and other development efforts. We also acknowledge that intergovernmental organisations provide critically important technical support to governments, along with important leadership and co-ordination roles. But to really reach the hard to reach—the criminalised, the marginalised, the hidden and at-risk populations—the UK Government needs to diversify its range of investments beyond national governments and intergovernmental institutions that relate primarily to national governments, to more substantial investments in civil society-led responses. Its investments in intergovernmental institutions should be performance-related, transparent and consistent with its commitments set out in its global AIDS strategy.

February 2008



1   UNAIDS (2007) AIDS Epidemic Update
http://www.unaids.org/en/KnowledgeCentre/HIVData/EpiUpdate/EpiUpdArchive/2007/default.asp Back

2   ibid p 4. Back

3   UNAIDS (2007) AIDS Epidemic Update
http://www.unaids.org/en/KnowledgeCentre/HIVData/EpiUpdate/EpiUpdArchive/2007/default.asp Back

4   ibid. Back

5   ibid. Back

6   UNAIDS (2006). Report on the global AIDS epidemic. http://www.unaids.org/en/HIV_data/2006GlobalReport/default.asp Back

7   UNAIDS (2006). Report on the global AIDS epidemic. Back

8   UNAIDS, HIV/AIDS and Human Rights: International Guidelines, September 1996. Back

9   USAID, UNAIDS, WHO, CDC and the POLICY Project, Coverage of selected services for HIV/AIDS prevention, care and support in low and middle income countries in 2003, Washington, June 2004. Back

10   UNAIDS (2006) Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic. Back

11   UNAIDS, in Financial Resources Required to Achieve Universal Access to HIV Prevention, Treatment, Care and Support (September 2007) estimate that the global resources gap for AIDS in 2008-09 is $20.2 billion. Back

12   Newer ART may be safer, more effective and/or necessary as second-line therapy for those developing side effects or resistance to first-line drugs. Back

13   Discussed in more detail in the Stop AIDS Campaign briefing Shaping the UK's HIV/AIDS Strategy,
http://www.stopaidscampaign.org.uk/IfNotNow/documents/ShapeUKHIVStrategy4Page.pdf Back

14   Results at a Glance, Global Fund for AIDS, TB and Malaria, June 2007. Back

15   Stop AIDS Campaign www.stopaidscampaign.org Back

16   Sharma, McCallum and Burrows, Is there anyone left in the general population? AIDS Projects Management Group, August 2005, www.aidsprojects.com Back

17   Ibid p 6. Back

18   UNAIDS, 2006 Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic. Back

19   Drew R and Attawell K, Interim Evaluation of Taking Action: the UK Government's Strategy for Tackling HIV and AIDS in the Developing World, February 2007. Back

20   Responding to AIDS, National Audit Office HC 664 Session 2003-2004: 18 June 2004. Back


 
previous page contents next page

House of Lords home page Parliament home page House of Commons home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2008