Select Committee on Intergovernmental Organisations Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 920 - 939)

TUESDAY 6 MAY 2008

Professor Harvey Rubin

  Q920  Lord Avebury: You said a few minutes ago, Professor Rubin, that you wanted a mechanism for enforcing linkages; I wonder how you do that, particularly with the military organisations that are mentioned in your evidence such as ESSENCE (US Military Electronic Surveillance System), the US Department of Defense Global Emerging Infections Surveillance and Response System. These are military operations and they are not going to take kindly to being told that they must adopt the linkages which are suggested by some supra-national organisation; and neither, I suppose, would the commercial companies, people like Merck and Pfizer, who have got to come into the picture. How are you going to tell commercial organisations that they must conform to these supra-national structures and exchange data with people who have an interest other than a commercial one in using the information which is their intellectual property?

  Professor Rubin: Lord Avebury, you read very closely! ESSENCE is definitely in that list of surveillance organisations, and I put that in there for completeness. It is clear that the military may not be part of this; on the other hand, I was just appointed to the Biological Cooperative Threat Reduction Programme, which is funded by the United States Congress to the Department of Defense to go out and indentify infrastructure resources to ensure biosecurity in various countries around the world—the most prominent in the last programme was the former Soviet Union. There are areas in which the military will co-operate, there are areas where they certainly will not. In terms of the private sector there is a whole new movement out there—I am sure you will know about this—the notion of public/private partnerships.

  Q921  Lord Avebury: But they are voluntary, are they not?

  Professor Rubin: They are voluntary, that is exactly right. But it is in their best business interest, so in some sense, although it is voluntary, in terms of developing drugs for the developing world many of them have already signed on. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania has just made antibiotic development a State research priority and we have already had conversations with major pharmaceuticals, where they will be part of a public-private partnership. They have what are called non-progressing assets in their freezers; non-progressing assets are compounds that have gone through various stages of development as antibiotics and have literally just been frozen away following a corporate decision. It is not as business-wise as making other kinds of drugs, but they are very willing, as it turns out, to share that information and share those compounds. You are right, however, that there is only a certain amount that we can start doing. But the notion, just like the cluster bomb issue, is that once this thing starts moving it will be seen, I believe, in the best business interests and, perhaps, even by our respective militaries as providing force protection. But that remains to be seen.

  Q922  Chairman: Lord Avebury's point you have answered to some extent, but this question of these enforced linkages is a bit of a difficult one to envisage when it is hard to see what force would be applied. You are implying, I think, that eventually there would be an acceptance that might stand legal challenge. Am I right?

  Professor Rubin: You are exactly right. It starts off in a sense voluntarily and then, as you get closer and closer to a Treaty notion, it becomes more legislative and more enforceable. I do not know that we will ever have to get there though, to be very honest if we do—then we do; if we do not, I still think that based on things like the Landmine Convention and other "soft law" issues—the apartheid issue for example—many of them started with "soft law" that may never require legal intervention.

  Q923  Baroness Whitaker: Before I get down to the detail, could I just ask you very briefly to paint a picture of what the world would be like if your Compact was up and running? What would be the major changes?

  Professor Rubin: If you allow me to be relatively grandiose, because I want to paint the best picture, if we had a fully developed compact, we may not have had SARS.

  Q924  Baroness Whitaker: Do you mean that people would not have got the infection? Or that the animal infection would have been contained?

  Professor Rubin: It would have stopped at a small local outbreak in China, it would not have been the worldwide outbreak.

  Q925  Baroness Whitaker: So the polecats, or whatever it was, would still have transmitted the infection?

  Professor Rubin: Right. In that case, with the full-blown Compact, we would have been tracking even the zoonotic infections, which is what Kate Jones's article suggests. Kate Jones in Nature said we had to have what she calls "smart surveillance", which actually includes the zoonotic infections. This notion of smart surveillance can be based on embedded systems; embedded systems include tiny sensors distributed everywhere. The European Union had a study of embedded systems and there will be 2.7 billion Euros devoted to so-called embedded systems, distributed sensors with very fancy mathematical algorithms to encompass that.

  Q926  Baroness Whitaker: You predict that?

  Professor Rubin: We will even get to the zoonotic infections, but short of that, zoonoses going into humans would have been picked up much earlier. One could even imagine—this would have been remarkable—that we could have intercepted HIV/AIDS at a much, much earlier stage. Imagine a world without HIV/AIDS. We would certainly have better control over extremely drug-resistant tuberculosis than we do today, because there would be infrastructure built, there would be understanding of rapid diagnosis that would come under the basic science research programmes that we are suggesting; and then, if you add in the whole notion of the profound economic impact of these diseases—and you would know this better than I—the economic impact would be much less an issue. Yes, sure, there are still going to be infections, nature will also provide infectious doctors like me with a livelihood. However, there would be much less potential for pandemics, epidemics and overwhelming infectious disease on a global scale.

  Q927  Baroness Whitaker: Would it be fair to say that what would happen would be much, much better contained?

  Professor Rubin: Absolutely!

  Q928  Baroness Whitaker: But that would not necessarily affect the diseases which are very prevalent and not at all new, like Malaria, which require a developed infrastructure to get the bed nets to the people, to get to the rural areas, to have somebody trained enough to explain what is needed, and that would be done by a different organisation?

  Professor Rubin: No, I think it would still be part of this. Why? Because being part of the surveillance programme means that you have to start building the infrastructure, so the big question is where is the money going to come from? There are strategies out there: for example, a 0.005 per cent tax on international currency exchanges would generate billions of dollars, so there are strategies out there that could fund this.

  Q929  Baroness Whitaker: As I read your evidence, the original timetable which you have for the drafting and signatures has now been revised, so you are putting in further groundwork. Can you tell us if there are any NGOs or IGOs joining in this process and how it is going?

  Professor Rubin: That is a good question, and I have thought about that because I was sure you might want to know who else believes in this crazy idea. There are a number of NGOs and IGOs that have at least heard about the story; it has not become their main mission of course, but it has become part of their mission. In no particular order—we have a local connection here in London with King's College the University of Pennsylvania, King's College, London, the Interdisciplinary Centre in Israel and the Jordanian Institute of Diplomacy, have a four-way formal arrangement that we have with MOU signed, agreed to by our universities. This group is investigating political violence and biosecurity is part of that programme. There is another programme funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation called the Centre for Global Development out of Washington DC, and they have asked me to be on their Working Group on antibiotic resistance. That is a very vigorous organisation and I emailed Rachel Nugent just before I came and asked could I mention their work and she said "Please, tell them about us." The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, therefore, is looking specifically at the drug resistance area, that is another NGO. The Global Alliance for TB Drug Development, also funded in part by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, which actually funds part of the basic research in my own lab on tuberculosis resistance, is very engaged in this whole area. We are in varying follow-on discussions with the newly merged college at Oxford: Templeton College merged with Green College to become Green Templeton College. We have been talking to Colin Bundy, who is the new Principal of that new college, and Michael Earl, and we would like to address these issues as part of a collaborative effort between my organisation and Oxford. I mentioned earlier the OECD, with whom we were engaged in drafting the Noordwijk Medicines Agenda. The Partnership for Global Security and the Landau Network-Centro Volta run by Maurizio Martellini in Italy is another group of NGOs interested in this area. We presented the idea for the Global Compact at their meeting in Lake Como, and it became part of the statement they made to the Biological Weapons Convention recently. Then I mentioned the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania as devoting themselves to the antibiotic resistance issue. , So there are the biosecurity people, there are the antibiotic resistance people, and policy people my point is that we need to integrate these efforts. They need to do their work because they need to focus but there has to be an integrator. There are a number of these organisations that are picking up one or other parts of the Compact.

  Q930  Baroness Whitaker: How do you rate the chances of getting there?

  Professor Rubin: Each individual organisation, I think, will get there but in the end it will still take somebody with representatives from all these groups sitting round a table much like this, saying are we getting it done? That is why we need a new organisation to hold people to that issue.

  Q931  Chairman: Do these organisations say to you they like the concept?

  Professor Rubin: Yes, absolutely. Please ask Ian Gillespie for example. While many love the concept, they have very similar questions—this is not the first time I have heard these questions, but you have to think large to answer a large problem.

  Q932  Lord Avebury: What I cannot get my head around is your suggestion that a group of people sitting around a table would say "Are we getting this done?" and they would then have the power, as I understand it, to direct all these various organisations to do something different to what they are already doing, that this group of university professors will say to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, say, you have been doing the wrong things, you must adjust your programme according to our diktat almost.

  Professor Rubin: No, that is exactly not the intention, the intention is to have them say to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation "You are doing a spectacular job and here is how it fits—at no cost to you—into the really big picture." They know that they do one thing or two things or three things extraordinarily well—and I have to tell you, almost as an aside, that without the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation the developing world and this whole endeavour would fall apart, they are doing a spectacular job. But it is not the whole job, so the goal would be for everybody to go back to their organisation and say we are doing such a great job that it is part of this big picture, that is the goal.

  Q933  Baroness Hooper: I am just interested to know, if you have all these people around the table, who is actually funding the organisation? Obviously the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation might be in the picture. But, if you are inviting people to join and people volunteer to join and to be involved, do they have to stump up something? How does the mechanism work?

  Professor Rubin: That is exactly what my Dean asked me and that is a good question. Right now my organisation is funded by the University of Pennsylvania, by the Provost at the University; each project is funded on its own and for this particular project, because it is really at the conceptual stage, we have been talking to various donors but we do not have the big, big slug of money yet to really make this happen. That is why we have been going for these individual components and it looks a bit fragmented, because you have got to convince the individual components. You are absolutely right; right now it is being funded by the Provost.

  Q934  Baroness Eccles of Moulton: Professor Rubin, in 2005 the IHR established a global surveillance system for public health events of international concern and, at first sight, there does appear to be a certain overlap between the Compact and IHR. Could you, please, explain to us what value the Compact will add and also, slightly differently, what you consider the main weaknesses of the current IHR to be?

  Professor Rubin: That question comes up again quite frequently. As you know, the IHRs originally were for the three diseases after the eradication of smallpox—cholera, plague and yellow fever—and then it became very clear to many people that that really was not sufficient, and now this new definition of communicable diseases of international consequence has been proposed. As of May 2007, it was finally put into effect in the United States. The IHRs have their own sets of really wonderful surveillance and infrastructure-building components to them, and this is not my own work but people have written extensively about the shortcomings of the IHRs, in particular a colleague David Fidler, a Law Professor. David has written extensively about some of the issues and, again, enforcement even of the IHRs is a major problem. Kumanan Wilson and Fidler had an article in the March issue of the Bulletin of the World Health Organization—I have a copy here if you would like to see it—addressing these enforcement issues and they break it down as legislative, a memorandum of understanding between governments, guidelines and so on. So the recognition of enforcement even of the IHRs is certainly a major issue. The second major issue with the IHRs is, again, their technical limitations in recognising new and as yet unreported diseases. There are also political issues with IHRs; it is a great start but there are still a number of shortcomings that need to be addressed. The World Health Organization did issue advisories when SARS was found to be spreading around the world much to the surprise of many people in sovereign States, who thought that the World Health Organization may not really have that mission. Yet they did it anyway, much to the consternation of Canada. There is not yet, therefore, a governance structure for IHRs and, quite frankly, there is still very little incentive other than to be a good guy, not to be named and blamed. That is exactly why we need to integrate this with enforceable linkages. The answer is that there certainly will be overlap with some surveillance but they are not interested in extending that mission, for example to cataloguing and having a queryable database on chemical structures or chemical libraries. When I give this talk at basic science conferences, the first thing people say to me is "Hey, will there be a catalogue of all the libraries of chemical compounds out there that we might be able to access because I am interested in this disease?" The IHRs database is small compared to the universe of data that we need.

  Q935  Chairman: You used that word "enforceable" again, and I am still not quite sure why this is any more enforceable than the International Health Regulations.

  Professor Rubin: Linkages, that is my answer. Without being linked to the benefits of the Compact the hard part, ie the surveillance and the harmonisation, will have a much tougher row to hoe. If you report your data, you will be high in the queue to get the vaccine; if you do this harmonisation, your scientists will be part of the governing board of the research centres. When I travel around the world and I talk to foreign governments and foreign scientists—and it may be just because of the environment and the venue—it is very important around the world for scientists to feel that they are part of the community working on this project. The developing world, the developed world, the former Soviet Union, the Russian Federation, you name it, it is important to be part of the scientific community addressing these problems, where you can get on the phone or go to a conference or get on an email and say "What is up?" is almost like ping-pong diplomacy; it is the players that are playing together that will really drive the governance.

  Q936  Baroness Eccles of Moulton: If the Compact succeeds in its aims, would there no longer be any need for the IHR?

  Professor Rubin: No, the IHR would be an integral part of the Compact, absolutely: it would be that part of the data set and we would help build that data set. The scientists and the engineers and the algorithm builders will help build that data set.

  Q937  Baroness Eccles of Moulton: But it could still be a separate entity?

  Professor Rubin: Absolutely, sure.

  Q938  Baroness Eccles of Moulton: But it would be part of the Compact?

  Professor Rubin: It is like a federation.

  Q939  Lord Jay of Ewelme: If I could just pursue for a moment this question of influence, leverage and enforceability, in your paper you draw the analogy between the Compact and the Landmine Action Group, and we were talking about that earlier on. My understanding is that that really succeeded through a combination of powerful and effective advocacy and great moral authority in the end, convincing first of all the NGO and academic community and then successive governments that it was right. Is that the kind of process which you see here? Is that how you see the linkage between the two or why you use that as an example?

  Professor Rubin: The answer to that first question that you asked is that this is absolutely a moral imperative and it should carry the same weight as landmines. We do not have those graphic images, although if you come to my hospital or go across the River to St. Thomas' Hospital you will easily see people intubated with blue fingers and blue hands because they are dying of a bacterial infection, one could generate those kinds of very intense visual images. Again, as I said before, this is not an "over there" problem, this is an "over here" problem as well as an "over there" problem. So I think—it could be that I am believing my own public relations—that the moral imperative here is as great if not greater than landmines and cluster bombs.


 
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