Select Committee on Merits of Statutory Instruments Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 120-128)

Mr Pat McFadden MP

22 JANUARY 2008

  Q120  Chairman: Woe betide the official that came in saying it did not actually stack up and you were asked to do it again.

  Mr McFadden: I think policies do go through a process of change and amendment as they go through; sometimes, perhaps, in response to consultation, which makes us change our mind, or in response to other things. How much I am allowed to say publicly about policies that have been considered and then junked, I am not sure.

  Q121  Chairman: We encourage you to say as much as we would like, really. You take the point. It is very, very difficult, in practice, for the system to be that open-minded when there is a minister pushing, and officials get locked on to an agenda.

  Mr McFadden: Let me give you an example where this can influence how things are impacted. We had a manifesto commitment to extend the number of days' paid leave from 20 to 28. Instead of doing that in one go we have done it in two goes; first from October last year and then from April 2009. We have consulted business a lot about how that was implemented, but we took a lighter touch towards businesses who were already giving 28 days' paid leave. That is not an instance of a policy being junked—far from it, it was important that it was not junked because it was a key manifesto commitment—but it is an example of how we took the headline policy and then made decisions about implementation that took account of those who were being affected by the policy, and we have received praise from business organisations for doing this in a sensible and in a staged way, which still meets the manifesto commitment for up to six million workers.

Chairman: Jolly good. I think our sense is that does not happen often enough.

Baroness Maddock: Going back to the public sector again, I am not sure the same thing could have been said when people were advised about what would and would not work in local elections at various levels, and in national elections.

  Q122  Chairman: I hear you say "It's a fair cop"!

  Mr McFadden: We have all probably got points to raise. The point I am making—and I think this is a point I would stress—is that I think the BRE does add value and that the better regulation agenda does add value in not necessarily junking things that are manifesto commitments, and so on, but in saying: "There are two or three ways you can do that, and there is a way that you could do it that will be much easier for those who are having to implement or accommodate it to accept than if you did it this way". So the importance of this work is not just about the stock of regulation and legislation which exists, it is also about the flow. We have big issues coming down the track for the country that are going to increase in the political agenda in the next couple of years—I think of climate change, I think of some public health issues, and so on. There will be significant demands for government action on this. We have already got climate change legislation going through. It is very important that that is carried forward, but there will be choices about how some of this is implemented. Some thinking on this agenda can add value, not to say you should not deal with climate change (that is not what I am saying at all) but to say if you are going to do it there might be different ways to do it, some of which can have a better impact than others.

  Q123  Chairman: You know what we are after on this, and I do not think you are after different things. Impact assessments ought to be a real process of policy testing, to say: "Is it worth going forward in this way? Is it worth going forward at all?" unless one is in the privacy of government seeing the proportion of cases where that is leading to fresh thinking. If that is not happening it is another cost burden, because it is basically another box that has to be ticked. I will leave that with you. You know those issues without me banging on about them. Let me stay with an issue that we will be looking at more as a Committee in the future, which is: "Does it work?"—by which I mean does an instrument that has been passed actually achieve its policy objective? It is related to impact assessment, again, of course. It seemed to us that it ought to be a principle of good practice that at the time when an instrument is laid, wherever it is possible, there is an explicit statement about what the objective of the instrument is and what are the measures for success—the SMART measures, for example. We assert that partly because it is a test for good policy making but it also puts down in the public domain a benchmark against which post-legislative evaluation can be done. We think that should be the norm. There will, obviously, be trivial examples where you would never do it, in terms of just an annual price up-rating, but in most cases one would expect to see that there were clear, defined measures of success against which the policy will be judged, partly because it will help to force officials to think about: "Do we have an adequate delivery mechanism to achieve that or not?" Do you agree?

  Mr McFadden: I do not know whether it should be the norm. I think a review of how things have panned out is often a good thing. Again, let me give you an example which is before this House at the moment. When the new dispute resolution regulations came in, in 2004, the Government committed to reviewing them. It did so through the Gibbons review. We have said they did not meet—although there were some advantages to them and some pluses to them—the policy intent, and therefore the Bill before this House gets rid of them and replaces them with more conciliation and arbitration before you get to the end point. Leaving aside the specifics of the example, that is an example where the Government legislated, said that we would review after a couple of years, and are now legislating again because we do not think we got it right. That, of course, can always be used as political capital, and so on, but I think it is better for a government to admit that it got something wrong and to change its mind than to just press on because of fear of political embarrassment. I see value in post-implementation review, and there is an increasing demand for it in the debates in the House, I think, where people call for reviews of this or that after a couple of years. It may not always be appropriate; sometimes people want certainty and sometimes people want to know that there is a new system, there is a new law, and it is going to be in place for a while; "Do I spend money making sure that I can organise my service, my business, around this, or is it still going to be there in a couple of years?" So I think you have got to be slightly careful in always saying it is the norm, but I do think it can add value and it is certainly something we should encourage departments to think about when appropriate.

  Q124  Chairman: Let me just pick up Baroness Maddock's earlier example. Clearly, one legislates for a purpose and therefore one should have some rough indication about whether it has been effective or not. On a measure like Alcohol Disorder Zones there ought now to be some sort of statement as part of that instrument about what level of impact it is going to have in which circumstances, so one, at least, has a basis for evaluating whether it works. Another example would be mobile "phone use"—a popular law that has been well-ignored by most of the public ever since. What was the Government's policy at the time that that was passed, in terms of what level of compliance was to be expected within two years, three years, or what-have-you? We do not see this. It is easy for government not to. I leave the question.

  Mr McFadden: I hope you do not mind if I do not get drawn too much into commenting on individual pieces of legislation from other departments, because they will know better than me the details of the legislation. As I have said a few times, it is an important part of this system that, ultimately, departments and Secretaries of State must take responsibility for legislation their department passes. So the pluses and minuses of the mobile "phone" and the Alcohol Disorder Zones—they may be very good points but I think they are points to be made to the ministers responsible for the legislation.

  Q125  Chairman: I was not asking about those, I was asking about whether, in principle, you agree that legislation should have defined policy objectives which will allow evaluation of them.

  Mr McFadden: You do legislate with an aim. I have, hopefully, given you a valuable example where post-implementation review was right and was a good thing to do, but I would rather others, with greater knowledge of those individual pieces of legislation, pass judgment on them rather than me.

  Q126  Lord Lucas: It is a hard thing for us to do as politicians, let alone for the civil servants, as everyone thinks of them, to see the things that I have seen pass, like the Dangerous Dogs Act and the legislation banning handguns, and so on and so forth—all high hopes at the time but we never subjected ourselves to the discipline of saying: "What do we actually expect these to achieve so that we have a measure for when we might set about these things again?" I am very encouraged by what you have said about the inclusion of a requirement for specific review dates in regulatory impact assessments and that sort of area. That opens the possibility that we might actually have a process of improving by learning from our mistakes rather than just doing things to fit in with the need the minister has for a press announcement at the time. It would be a great improvement if that is possible, but do you think it actually is?

  Mr McFadden: Let me be clear, I am not sure I have said that there should be a requirement for a review every time we had change; I was saying I can appreciate the case for this but sometimes certainty is also required. In terms of legislating in haste, which is really what you are implying, this is a difficult thing to judge because, again, without getting into specific pieces of legislation too much, would it have been worse not to have legislated at all? If you take the banning of handguns, I think that would probably have been successful. Some people might argue it has not been because people are still being shot through illegal handguns. They may be but would that situation have been worse without that legislation? These are difficult judgments and there is always not just the question of the effect of the legislation but what would the effect have been of doing nothing. It is not always easy to cite. As for the Dangerous Dogs Act, was it wrong to legislate or should we have gone further, when we see some of the attacks committed by these dogs? Maybe the legislation is not wrong, but it just does not go far enough? We clearly all have an opinion about this.

  Q127  Baroness Kingsmill: It does seem to me that the counter-factual is something which should always be taken into account in assessing the effectiveness of regulation, and I wonder if the Minister agrees with that.

  Mr McFadden: I think it is an important question because people can easily point to the downsides of anything which is done with an aim, as we have discussed, and say: "This worked" or "This didn't quite work". However, we should also consider what would have been the case if one had not acted; would the situation have been worse? Again, this brings us back, perhaps, to where we started, which are the structures of risk and accountability and whether they always point in a productive direction.

  Q128  Chairman: Finally, Minister, I am reminded by my good officials that the requirement for a baseline in success criteria in impact assessments is already in your guidelines, and so we are on the same page on this, it is just a matter of encouraging it to happen a bit more often. Can I thank you. If there is anything further that you wanted to write to us on we are always pleased to receive that. Thank you for your time and help.

  Mr McFadden: Thank you.





 
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