| Previous Section | Back to Table of Contents | Lords Hansard Home Page |
So society suffers as well as the child by having to spend more on social welfare, health, education, and all elements of criminal justice. Therefore it is not just to ensure that the child receives his human right not to be subjected to violence that we need to identify and deal with domestic violence as quickly and effectively as we can, it is for the whole of society.
The WAVE Trust, to which I am grateful for much of this information, has analysed the factors that contribute to a violent event. There has to be both a propensity and a trigger. Short-term measures can reduce the triggers, such as drug and alcohol treatment, addressing unemployment, economic inequality and family breakdown. However, we also need long-term measures to address the propensity to violence. That is where prevention comes in, and that is why the whole of this situation is a vicious circle unless it is addressed. A child subjected to violence cannot help but grow up with a propensity to violence, and so it goes on. We therefore need to initiate measures to put a “full stop” to all that. I use that phrase deliberately, because we have all had an excellent briefing from the NSPCC, with a number of proposals which chime well with the recommendations of the WAVE Trust.
Both propose that we need to identify where domestic violence is taking place by training professionals to recognise the signs, and by that I mean teachers and nursery workers as well as social workers and health professionals. We also need education for children about what to do and who to tell. When they are brave enough to tell someone, we must be sure that there is someone there to help them. We also need to reassure them that it does not necessarily mean family break-up if the perpetrator can be helped to change his behaviour. Then, we need adequate support services for the families affected.
Those services also need to be culturally sensitive and appropriate. The NSPCC produced a very interesting report about domestic violence among South Asian communities. It stresses that there is no evidence that there is more of this abuse in that community than in any other, but it points out that the reaction of both
5 Feb 2009 : Column 817
We need a much more rigorous approach based on a risk-assessment model with prevention at its heart. This is a public health problem with widespread consequences and it needs effective monitoring and intervention by health, education and social welfare professionals, not just the criminal justice system. Only if that is done will we break the cycle of violence. In doing so, we will improve the happiness level of the whole of society.
3 pm
Baroness Finlay of Llandaff: My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Gale, for initiating this debate. Throughout my professional career I have seen at first hand the results, physical and emotional, of abuse and violence against women and children, and I welcome the opportunity to draw attention to this important subject.
Like other noble Lords who have spoken, I shall focus on domestic violence and, in particular, its effect on children. Perhaps that will be the theme of the debate. Within the chronic pain-management programme that my team runs at Velindre NHS Trust, very many patients have been subject to abuse of one type or another, often in childhood, and often they have told no one for years and years. Sometimes when they come to our service, it is the first time that they have disclosed what has gone on. The damage from that abuse lingers on throughout the rest of their lives, is held within their chronic pain, and reinforces it. Sometimes the perpetrators have been women. There is violence from women to women, from women to men, and from women to children. We must not be under the misapprehension that there are no women perpetrators and blame it all on men. I had to appear as a witness at the Old Bailey after admitting a child to hospital who had been dipped in scalding water by his mother's boyfriend. I have seen children, toddlers and babies who have been abused and I have sometimes been the first person to diagnose that abuse.
The official Home Office definition of domestic violence that applies in England is,
- “any incident of threatening behaviour, violence or abuse (psychological, physical, sexual, financial or emotional) between adults who are or have been intimate partners or family members, regardless of gender or sexuality”.
While this definition captures the essence of domestic violence between the primary parties involved, it fails to capture the impact of the abuse on children. Widening the definition to cover violence witnessed by children will ensure that greater attention is given to children and young people when policy is developed. I know that the Government are committed to reviewing this definition over the next year and I call on them to include children in the new definition.
The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child recommended in October last year that government give children equal protection under the law on assault.
5 Feb 2009 : Column 818
The noble Baroness, Lady Gale, spoke about what has been happening in Wales, where the Welsh Assembly Government take this issue seriously. The Welsh definition of domestic violence is far more comprehensive, and makes specific mention of violence against children as well as the effect that violence has on them. Despite its length, the definition warrants being heard. It states:
“Domestic Abuse is best described as the use of physical and/or emotional abuse or violence, including undermining of self confidence, sexual violence or the threat of violence, by a person who is or has been in a close relationship. Domestic abuse can go beyond actual physical violence. It can also involve emotional abuse, the destruction of a spouse's or partner's property, their isolation from friends, family or other potential sources of support, threats to others including children, control over access to money, personal items, food, transportation and the telephone, and stalking. It can also include violence perpetrated by a son, daughter or any other person who has a close or blood relationship with the victim/survivor. It can also include violence inflicted on, or witnessed by, children. The wide adverse effects of living with domestic abuse for children must be recognised as a child protection issue. The effects can be linked to poor educational achievement, social exclusion and to juvenile crime, substance abuse, mental health problems and homelessness from running away. Domestic abuse is not a “one-off” occurrence; it is frequent and persistent”.
That is the English translation of the Welsh definition. I suggest that this definition may prove to be a helpful starting point when the Government come to review the definition in England.
It is vital that as a nation we protect our children from exposure to violence, not only for their physical protection but because over time violence becomes a learnt behaviour and a child will begin to accept it as normal. Children who grow up with this mentality become adults with the same mental processes, and the cycle continues. As the noble Baroness, Lady Walmsley, explained eloquently, clearly and, I have to say as a medical person, accurately, the reasons for this, I will not reiterate them; but the abused child’s brain is permanently damaged by experience. Even tension in utero from abuse of a pregnant woman affects the baby before birth. It has been shown that matching mothers at risk of postnatal depression with telephone volunteers who have had only four hours’ training, but who will personally support those women, significantly lowers the incidence of postnatal depression in those women. Some of those innovative support programmes are dramatically effective for isolated women at risk of abuse and of becoming abusers through depression.
The Department of Health estimates that every year three-quarters of a million children experience domestic violence. That is shocking, but, given that many women often do not report domestic violence, or take many years to do so, the actual figure is likely to be much higher. One study found that women had experienced an average of 35 incidents of domestic
5 Feb 2009 : Column 819
In 2002 the NSPCC prevalence study showed that 26 per cent of 18 to 24 year-olds have lived with violence between their parents or carers. That represents a quarter of the age group. Further research estimates that in between 30 per cent and 60 per cent of domestic violence cases the abusive partner is also abusing children in the family.
Violence of any nature is awful, but domestic violence is particularly heinous because it is hidden, yet its consequences are physical, psychological and enduring. When women and children suffer domestic violence, their physical wounds heal faster than the emotional wounds. It is essential that there is early help for victims and that society adopts a protective, proactive approach for those who are vulnerable.
There are three key areas on which I would appreciate a response from the Minister. The first is the need for adequate support services for children and families affected by domestic violence, so that if they are brave enough to speak out, they know they will be safe and supported. Current government provision is not enough. You only have to see what happens in accident and emergency departments to be aware of that.
The NSPCC has informed me that there is a nationwide lack of provision for children and that many local authorities provide substandard services. However, there are areas of best practice where specialist services are provided, such as crèche facilities, carers, individual therapeutic work, advice and guidance sessions and group work programmes. Will the Government look to these areas as examples of good practice to follow them and to roll them out in other areas?
My second point concerns the need for training for professionals to identify children living with domestic violence. This would mean that, whenever adult professionals are working with domestic violence victims, they would give automatic consideration to the way that children were affected, too. Can the Minister tell us what training is provided to those who work with domestic violence victims to ensure that they consider the effect that it has on children?
The third point concerns education about domestic violence. Many children who experience domestic violence feel guilty and blame themselves for what has happened. Children need to learn that the violence is not their fault and also how to stay safe if they find themselves in a potentially violent situation. It is horrific to see how many children still do not disclose sexual abuse for years but go in on themselves, become quiet and feel guilty. They are aware that, if they expose the abuse, they will potentially break up the family.
Support can be achieved by teaching about the subject in schools and youth settings. Are there plans to introduce such teaching into schools’ curricula?
5 Feb 2009 : Column 820
I understand that the Home Office is currently developing a strategy on violence against women. Can the Minister confirm to what extent children will be considered within this review as either primary victims of violence or secondary victims due to their proximity to, and experience and witnessing of, violence among those who purport to love them?
3.11 pm
Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws: My Lords, I, too, thank my noble friend Lady Gale for introducing this debate. She has been a great champion of this issue and I am grateful to her for the opportunity to review what has been taking place.
I also congratulate the Government. The Attorney-General, who is here today, has been at the forefront of bringing about great change in this area. She has been supported, I know, by the Solicitor-General and other women Ministers, and we have seen a real step change in this issue over the past decade. Other parties have also been working hard at developing strategy and stepping up on this issue. I know that because I have recently seen some of the work in the policy document being produced by the Conservative Party. It, too, is now clear that this is an important issue which is central to our society because the costs to us all are so great.
Like the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, I come at this matter from a lifetime’s experience as a professional. I speak as a lawyer and she spoke as a doctor. When practising in the courts in my early years, I saw domestic violence at the front line. At that time, the taboos, which have already been mentioned, were considerable. Women felt ashamed and therefore often did not seek the help of the authorities. Their families felt shame, so women were surrounded by silence on this issue.
We also contended with many myths, one of which was that women were battered only if they brought it on their own heads. It was an example of blaming the victim, as we have so often seen. Other myths were that somehow domestic violence existed only within certain classes within society or within certain ethnic minorities—for example, the Irish or Afro-Caribbeans. The assumptions that existed within our courts were extraordinary. Happily, we have seen a recognition that this issue cuts across all the social divides and is known within all families. Any of us who travel and speak on human rights issues know that, whichever country we visit in the world, there will be women activists, lawyers and judges who raise the fact that domestic violence is a serious problem within their communities.
A lot has been done and I do not want in any way to sound displeased with the progress that has been made. No Government have done more than this one. We now have specialist courts and specialist prosecutors, and far more streamlined processes. We have also seen a great change in attitude among the judiciary and
5 Feb 2009 : Column 821
However, I am afraid that I am going to raise an issue of concern. I do not want it to appear as ingratitude towards the Government but, in this worsening economic climate, I am fearful that women may feel under even greater pressure to stay with violent and abusive partners, and I am very concerned that many children within families will suffer in consequence.
Today we have spoken about the consequences of domestic violence for children, but we need really good, supportive agencies and we need to ensure that the refuges that exist are maintained. I regret that the refuge movement is already seeing a diminution of its funding and of the support that it gets from donations, local authorities and others as a means of staying in existence.
I am the patron of a national domestic violence charity, Refuge, and I have seen evidence of this erosion first hand. Every day, women and children are turned away from already overflowing refuges. The ones that exist operate on a hand-to-mouth basis. Some services, such as Refuge’s independent advocacy scheme in Kent and its psychological services, are facing closure. In the current recession, donor income is drying up and Refuge has had to make staff redundant in order to balance its budget and keep essential services going. That should be a source of real concern to us all. It was very interesting to hear how people, particularly babies, are damaged by being in a violent environment. We need good specialist services provided by well trained specialist individuals, but, unfortunately, I think that we are going to see a reduction in them unless we are alert to the problem.
Service provision for victims of domestic violence is patchy. As it stands, local authorities can choose whether to provide domestic violence services, and one third of them around the country provide none. I ask the noble and learned Baroness the Attorney-General what can be done about local authorities that fail to make such provision. We need to have a stick or a carrot. There has to be some way of dealing with what is essentially a postcode lottery for those who need support.
The chief executive of Refuge, Sandra Horley, is a remarkable woman. She was one of the people who managed to make this a mainstream issue. She has had input in policy over the 30 years that she has worked in the field. She tells me that early intervention is essential and that there must be specialist support services. The vital work to prevent domestic violence is underfunded. She says that, as one of the country's largest providers of domestic violence services, she is now seeing real problems with lack of funding. Refuge is now at risk of losing the first refuge, the Chiswick refuge, to other providers that have no specialist knowledge of domestic violence. That is a real regret, because this work cannot be done without expertise.
It may shock the House to know that Refuge currently receives no statutory funding to support children who have been exposed to domestic violence. Sandra Horley has listened to pre-schoolers talking about how daddy and mummy locked them in the bathroom while they
5 Feb 2009 : Column 822
The Government and Comic Relief provide some funding for Refuge’s National Domestic Violence Helpline. I have sat in its office and watched it work. It is a revelation. Helpline staff provide vital, sometimes lifesaving, support, but they struggle to answer every call. The helpline is, effectively, a 999 service run on a shoestring budget. A combination of Refuge and Women’s Aid provide the service in partnership. More of Refuge's staff’s time is now being spent scrambling to find funds in an already impoverished sector, which is time that should be spent supporting women and children. Since Refuge opened the doors of its first refuge in 1971, three Home Affairs Select Committees have urged the Government to increase funding as a matter of urgency. If Refuge collapsed tomorrow, thousands of women and children would be left with nowhere to turn. We have just had a debate on the impact on families of the recession. It will be vital that there is proper funding of support services for women and children. We should not be seeing a diminution of such services but an increase. I hope that the noble and learned Baroness will come to us with good news on that front.
3.21 pm
Baroness Gould of Potternewton: My Lords, I thank my noble friend Lady Gale for once again giving us the opportunity to discuss this important issue. One appreciates that there is violence against men, sometimes perpetrated by women, but in today’s debate we are discussing violence against women. I declare an interest as chair of the Women's National Commission. Violence against women is an important part of our work, as it is consistently identified by our more than 500 partners as a priority to be addressed by governments locally and nationally. In her introduction, my noble friend indicated the complex interrelationships between the different elements that constitute violence against women, so I shall not repeat them. She also referred to a possible EU convention on violence against women, and I have a question for the noble and learned Baroness the Attorney-General. Can we be assured that there will be only one convention concerning all aspects of violence against women, not, as I have heard, one for domestic violence and one for other aspects of violence against women?
Violence against women is probably the most pervasive rights violation. It is exploitation and abuse of one person by another. As my noble friend said, violence against women is a serious problem in the UK. There are 3 million women in the UK who experience violence, and many more living with the legacy of abuse experienced in the past. To put that in the context of other reasons that women unfortunately die, two women a week are killed by a current or former partner. Women are more likely to be killed by their partner than to be killed in a road accident or to die of cancer. We often forget the
5 Feb 2009 : Column 823
Violence against women is both a cause and a consequence of gender inequality. Perpetrators are usually known men: partners, ex-partners, family members, friends or colleagues. They use power deliberately and systematically over time by psychological threat or physical force to frighten their victims and control their behaviour. Male control over women has a history. Women historically were legally the property of men—men owned women. The right of husbands to beat their wives was enshrined in law. Sexual access to women was a right of marriage. That was the case until as recently as the 1990s. Many of us campaigned vigorously to get that changed.
Men still blame women for violence that they experience. That history unfortunately persists today. Research by Zero Tolerance shows that one in three teenage boys and one in five girls still thinks that,
depending on their behaviour. One in two boys and one in three girls thought that it was acceptable for a man to force a woman to have sex in certain circumstances. Those facts show the importance of teaching in schools about relationships and respect for each other, which is why the Government’s decision to make PSHE statutory is so important.
It is not surprising that young people have those views. Another piece of research by Amnesty showed that about one in three people still blames women for being raped and attributes sexual violence to some aspect of women’s dress or behaviour. More than one in three thought that a woman was fully or partially responsible for being raped if she behaved in a “flirtatious” manner. Similarly, nearly one-third thought that a woman was fully or partially responsible for being raped if she was drunk. More than one-quarter of those surveyed said that they thought that a woman was partially or totally responsible for being raped if she was wearing “sexy or revealing” clothing, or had had many sexual partners.
We must challenge the culture of excuses both with the public and in the courts. No longer should provocation be an acceptable defence. We must challenge the idea that women “provoke” violence. Nagging does not give a man the right to abuse women; infidelity does not give a man the right to beat women. Women never invite rape, whatever relationship they are in, whatever decisions they have made about drink or dress and whatever level of intimacy they have already engaged in with their attacker.
| Next Section | Back to Table of Contents | Lords Hansard Home Page |