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The amendment raises very important points and highlights concerns that have been expressed about the clause. I will confine my remarks to medicine. Students entering to study medicine at Oxford, Cambridge or St Andrews have no idea when they enter where they will do their clinical studies after their first three years. In fact, where they go depends on how they perform in those first three years, so it is completely unpredictable.

The other difficulty is that the courses are for six years. At the end of the six years, the students have to enter a pre-registration year. Although they are paid and employed, they still fall under the supervision of the undergraduate dean. At the end of the pre-registration year, the Medical Act requires the undergraduate dean to state that the student is fit to be fully registered. The length of the undergraduate course alone does not determine the completion and registration of a medical degree. Without being registered—they are registered with the GMC—their degree has very little currency. The other problem is often that they do undergraduate studies and then wish to progress on to postgraduate studies. Indeed, they come to this country in the first place because that type of training is simply not available in the country in which they have been, because the places are so restricted or because there have been restrictions against the ethnic group to which they belong in their country of origin.

As the noble Baroness, Lady Warwick of Undercliffe, outlined at Second Reading, the amount of money that is brought into this country is not inconsiderable. She estimated that it was more than £100 million. I think that that is probably an underestimate, because postgraduate students come over as well. Those who come over as postgraduate students present a different set of problems. We now have an increasing number of distance-learning courses. The students come across for study days but do a lot of study in their own country on their own clinical base. They then come back for their exams and to graduate. They may be on such a course, which is a part-time course, for up to six years. The length of time will depend to some extent on how quickly they progress through the course and

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to some extent, as they are adult learners, on what other life events intervene that cause them to require an interruption of study. When they are the lead in their specialty in their own country and they want to undertake postgraduate study abroad, it takes very little to make the workload insurmountable, leading to them having to take a temporary leave of absence from their course.

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One difficulty for students on a distance learning course is how much they have to guarantee the maintenance. Perhaps I may refer to the course that I run which takes students up to MSc level. If they come across for a study week, will they have to guarantee that they have maintenance funding for that week when they have already enrolled in a course of study?

During this debate, we have heard much about those of mal-intent, but I do not think that we should underestimate the economic, cultural and scientific advantage to this country of many of the students who come here. We are in very stiff competition for those students with other parts of the world, particularly the USA and Australasia, but increasingly with other countries, particularly in the Far East. The current economic climate means that any students have to be very careful about the fees that they pay and the obstacles which are in their way to coming here.

In summing up, I ask the Minister to confirm that all these points have been considered in discussions that he has had with Universities UK, to inform the Committee how extensive his discussions have been with the Medical Schools Council and to say how postgraduate students on distance learning courses in particular would be affected by this clause.

Lord Brooke of Sutton Mandeville: Once a year, when I was in the private sector, I used to attend one of the remarkable futurology courses put on by the great Herman Kahn, who was a remarkable polymath. On one such occasion, I recall him saying that he thought that the United Kingdom did not need to have great concern about the post-industrial society because there were areas of skills and learning in which we were deeply impressive on a world scale and one of those was education.

For a long time, I have been conscious of the campaign to get students to come to this country. I was directly involved as higher education Minister between 1983 and 1985 when full-cost fees for overseas students were introduced. The legislation for full-cost fees was deliberately ambiguously defined, but not quite enough use was made of that ambiguous definition by some of the higher education establishments.

I also attended the Commonwealth education Ministers' conference in Nicosia in 1984, which frankly was a rerun of the Battle of Rorke’s Drift, as far as the British Minister was concerned. Mr Ramphal, who was then the secretary-general of the Commonwealth Secretariat, saw an opportunity. Normally the Commonwealth education Ministers met every four years, but UNESCO was meeting in Sofia the following year. Mr Ramphal reckoned that most of the

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Commonwealth education Ministers would be there so he suggested that we should have a one-day follow-up and I was exposed to the problem in an extremely vivid way.

I understand Governments’ 20-year balancing act between ensuring that recruitment to our higher education institutions was reinforced and their concern about individual controls. Hence, I understand the logic of the amendments which my noble friend Lady Hanham has tabled. However, for 24 years, I was a central London MP, in a constituency which had a large number of language schools. Are students in language schools, but not in higher education, covered by this legislation? I assume that they are because I see no wording to suggest that they are not, but it would be helpful to have that confirmed.

In that regard, over that quarter of a century, I had a huge postbag of immigration cases. I was conscious how often Lunar House and the Home Office, on the one hand, and the language schools, on the other, totally lost track of students who had arrived at a language school and might well have disappeared into the larger community. I am sympathetic towards, and supportive of, what the Government seek to do. I also wholly understand the questions raised by my noble friend.

Lord West of Spithead: First, I declare an interest: I am chancellor of a university. It is interesting to see how many Members of the Committee are involved in education, which, in many ways, I find reassuring.

Lord Wallace of Saltaire: We are the biggest lobby in the House, as we have said.

Lord West of Spithead: I thank the noble Lord for that warning before I say anything else.

In speaking to this group of amendments, I do not regard the Question that the clause stand part to be consequential on any decision on Amendments 108E, 109, 110 and 110A. I have listened very carefully to a wide range of points made in the debate on the amendments and more generally on the clause. I must resist the amendments, but I want to go into the reasons very carefully. I do not apologise for going into detail in this longish script. I went through it in great detail with my team to ensure that it answered most of the questions. I think that is useful for Hansard and the Committee.

Members of the Committee may be aware that we have reconsidered the proposed policy for tier 2 with regard to the maximum length of leave. We have changed our policy and will now grant a tier 4 general student studying a course at degree level or above leave to enter or remain for the duration of their course, as under the current system. I think this is a significant change and one which makes a lot of sense. I am grateful for the conversations I have had with a number of Members of this Committee in reaching this decision. I am sure noble Lords will appreciate that the change is intended to ensure that international students wishing to study comparatively longer courses, such as medicine, are not deterred from coming to the United Kingdom to undertake their studies.



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Thus, I hope I have provided the House with reassurance that flexibility in the rules allows the Government to make very rapid decisions such as this. This is a fundamental part of the points-based system but, for understandable reasons, primary legislation is needed to underpin certain aspects of the system. Clause 47 is thus essential to the operation of tier 4 as it allows for the control of foreign students once they have entered the United Kingdom to study at a licensed institution.

It is the Government’s intention that the restriction on studies would be placed on those migrants granted leave to enter or remain as tier 4 migrants; that is, students. Furthermore, such a restriction will restrict a migrant to studying at a specified institution, rather than restricting their chosen course of study. I say to the noble Baroness, Lady Hanham, that I can provide an absolutely clear and unequivocal reassurance to the Committee that the Government do not intend to use this provision to prevent students from moving courses within the same sponsoring institution. By imposing a restriction on a migrant, so that he can study only at a specified institution, he would have to apply to the UK Border Agency to vary the conditions of his leave should he wish to change institution. This will allow the UK Border Agency to check that the institution to which the migrant wishes to move is a bona fide education provider, with a sponsor licence. Having the ability to link a student to a particular licensed institution is integral to the successful operation of tier 4, the student tier of the points-based system.

I note that these amendments seek to probe why the Government believe the clause should provide a broad power to restrict a person’s studies. I understand why Members of the Committee may wish to restrict this power further so that, on the face of the Bill, we are very specific about what this restriction means and on whom it may be imposed.

However, it is usual practice for the overall architecture of the immigration system to be set out in primary legislation, with the Immigration Rules containing the detail of how the power will apply. While I appreciate that noble Lords may have their reservations about this approach, the ability to amend the Immigration Rules, rather than having to amend primary legislation, is an essential tool which is vital to ensure that necessary legislative changes can be implemented quickly and effectively, as shown with the point I mentioned about the maximum length of stay for people doing a study.

As Members of the Committee will be aware, we take seriously our duty to consult widely before making changes to the Immigration Rules and, more often than not, our rules have been prayed against to allow the opportunity for debate in the House. With that in mind, Clause 47 was deliberately drafted in this way in order to achieve consistency with the wording used in relation to the imposition of other conditions under Section 3 of the Immigration Act 1971—in particular, the condition restricting a migrant’s employment or occupation.

Under the skilled-worker tier, tier 2, of the points-based system, the Immigration Rules set out the conditions on a migrant’s employment, including a restriction on taking any employment other than with his licensed

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sponsor, supplementary employment that is outside of his normal working hours and voluntary work. We envisage that the condition this clause will allow us to impose on a migrant in relation to his studies will operate in much the same way, with the Immigration Rules specifying where these restrictions will apply, clearly stating that the restriction will be in relation to where the migrant studies and will be imposed on those granted leave to enter or remain under tier 4.

As I explained earlier, a student applying for leave to enter or remain under tier 4—the general student category of the points-based system—will be granted leave for the duration of their course. With such potentially long grants of leave that will cover a student’s entire course, it will be of even greater importance that we make clear the procedures a student will need to follow should he wish to change to a new institution.

I must resist Amendment 110 because I am confident that the revised guidance, which I will address shortly, that will be published when we make changes to the Immigration Rules in order to impose this condition on tier 4 students, will specify exactly what a student will need to do if he or she wishes to change institution, in terms of the requirement for him to submit a new application to the UK Border Agency. The revised guidance will also make clear the likely timeframes for consideration of an application, so that a student is able to submit his application to allow him to take up his studies at the new institution in good time.

I also think it would be inappropriate to specify in primary legislation that this type of application merits more prompt consideration than any other type of application for leave to remain as Amendment 110 suggests. Other applications for leave to remain may have equally or more compelling reasons for immediate consideration, and for which a migrant is paying a fee and expecting similar high standards of customer service.

Provided a student meets the points requirement for tier 4, which he will be able to do by having a valid visa letter from a UK Border Agency-licensed sponsor and by meeting the maintenance requirement for extension applications, the application to change institution should be relatively straightforward and therefore considered within our published service standard timescales for postal and in-person applications.

The border force aims to decide 70 per cent of postal applications within 4 weeks, 20 working days, and 90 per cent within 70 working days. In addition, albeit subject to higher application fees for a premium service, the border force aims to decide 90 per cent of applications made in person at a public inquiry office within 24 hours.

Turning to Amendment 110A, we believe that amending the clause in this way will seriously undermine one of the key parts of tier 4 of the points-based system, essentially creating two distinct categories of student; namely, those granted leave to enter or remain under tier 4 before enactment of this clause and those granted leave under tier 4 after enactment. Let me first make clear to Members of the Committee that the provisions of subsection (2) are not retrospective. While we wish to be able to add the condition to all those who have been granted leave as a tier 4 student, if such

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a student changed institution between the launch of tier 4 and Royal Assent, without notifying the UK Border Agency of this change, he would not be subject to prosecution under Section 3(1)(c) of the Immigration Act 1971, nor would he be subject to removal under Section 10(1)(a) of the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 for breaching his conditions of stay.

Furthermore, there is no intention to impose this condition on any of the students already in the United Kingdom under the terms of the current student rules that will be deleted on the introduction of tier 4. Only those students that UK Border Agency-licensed education providers bring to the UK under tier 4 from the end of March, or those existing students who will need to apply to extend their leave to remain under tier 4 after its launch in March, will be subject to this condition.

It may be helpful to the Committee if I explain how we will implement this condition. As soon as we have secured Royal Assent, it is our intention to amend the Immigration Rules, specifying that in addition to the conditions restricting a student’s employment, we will also add a further condition restricting the student to studying at the educational institution that is acting as the student’s sponsor under tier 4. As is usual practice, the Immigration Rules will be laid before Parliament for 21 days before coming into force, and we will look to publish revised guidance for tier 4 students around what this change will mean for them when we lay the rules.

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Once the rules are in force, the UK Border Agency will write to all migrants who had been granted leave to enter or remain under tier 4, informing them that they will, from the date of the letter, be subject to this condition. Hence, the condition will apply only from when the student is notified. At the same time, we will also inform these students of the potential consequences of any subsequent breach. Once subject to this condition, a tier 4 student would need to apply to the UK Border Agency to vary the conditions on their stay before moving to a new institution.

If we were not able to apply this condition to those granted leave between the launch of tier 4 at the end of March and enactment of the clause, there would be a pool of students who could move institution without our approval throughout the duration of their stay. We have revisited the policy on the maximum length of leave a student may be granted so that he may be granted leave for the full duration of his course, which could be five, six or even seven years in some instances. It is vital that the conditions of stay are applied equally to all students in the United Kingdom under the new system. If this were not the case, genuine students would risk being duped by bogus colleges which may charge high fees for non-existent courses. These colleges damage the UK’s excellent reputation for education provision abroad, which has been referred to by a number of speakers, not least the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay. The noble Baroness referred to value. These students are of great value to the United Kingdom, both culturally, as has been said, and financially, to the sum of £2.5 billion in tuition fees alone last year. That is a very significant amount of money and it is very important for this nation.



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Applying this condition to all those granted leave under tier 4 will make it much simpler for all such students to understand what is required of them when changing institution. It will be easier for the education providers that advise their students on what they will need to do when seeking to change institution. Applying the condition across the board to all tier 4 students will mean there is just one process for all. I do not apologise for going through that background because it is important to understand where we are coming from.

The noble Baroness, Lady Hanham, asked how applications will be considered. Provided the student meets the points’ requirement for tier 4, an application to change institutions should be very straightforward and will be considered within our standard service timescales, which are clearly laid out, and I touched on them earlier. The noble Lord, Lord Wallace, asked whether we have fully consulted with Universities UK. Yes, we have consulted it on this provision. Officials at the Home Office and the UK border force have regular meetings with Universities UK to consult on tier 4 of the points-based system.

The noble Lord, Lord Wallace, and the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, asked about PhD students. As now, we will grant leave for the duration of the student’s course, as specified by the sponsoring education institutions. If a PhD student does not complete his course within this time period—I know that happens because, goodness me, they really go on sometimes—he will be able to apply for an extension of his leave. The revised maintenance requirement for extension applications recognises the progress that a student has made to date without recourse to public funds.

The noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, mentioned distance learning. Students coming to the UK for short periods of study and do not intend to work will be able to come as student visitors. That route sits outside the points-based system and does not require the same sponsorship and maintenance requirements as under tier 4 because they may only stay for up to six months and cannot work. The tier 4 requirements do not apply. The noble Lord, Lord Brooke, asked whether students in language schools were in higher education. The answer is yes; students who intend to study are counted within this category.

I hope that that covers most of the extra points. Perhaps Members of the Committee will come back to me if there is anything that I have not covered and I will get back to them in writing. I hope that this response deals with the Question that Clause 47 should stand part of the Bill and I would be grateful if the noble Baroness would withdraw her amendment.

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff: I am most grateful to the Minister for having addressed those points. One outstanding point on which I would appreciate clarification is that of foundation year 1, which comes after sitting finals but before going onto the medical register. I feel it would be appropriate to give notice that I have tabled a Question relating to this for tomorrow, and I will pursue this further then.

Lord West of Spithead: I am afraid that I do not know the exact answer to that, but I shall by tomorrow.



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Lord Wallace of Saltaire: I thank the Minister for that extremely helpful and constructive response. I would be certainly be willing to withdraw my opposition to Clause 47 standing part, subject to the noble Baroness, Lady Hanham, doing so, but I wish to stress a few issues further. The bogus college issue has been with us a long time; in this House, we have been round it for 10 years or more. There have to be other ways to get at it. It is relatively easy, when our missions abroad consider visas, to tell them which are the reliable further and higher education colleges and which are not. That is always raised by the Home Office in this context, and it is not half such a difficult problem as some others.

We all wish to emphasise that effective co-ordination between the Home Office and the Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills is an important part of this process. One cannot stress too much that at the top end of our education market, dealing with visiting students sympathetically is important in a host of ways. In the scientific and medical fields, there is the contribution that makes to British scientific and medical excellence, and the extent to which that maintains an international scientific community. In the social sciences, we are talking about soft power and cultural diplomacy.

I was sitting here thinking that among my own former students I now have only two Commissioners of the European Union, one head of state and a couple of deputy foreign ministers, but if I were to add the other members of my old department at the LSE we could come to a moderately decent number of politically influential people. It is important to maintain them as friends of the United Kingdom as they pass from one generation to another, so it matters how we treat them. Part of what we need to get across is that we will deal with them sympathetically and not treat them all as potential criminals and, while we all know the Home Office of old, we hope that in this respect the Home Office recognises that one has to keep some doors open as well as having one or two closed.

Baroness Hanham: I, too, thank the Minister for an illuminating and extremely helpful reply, because he has made clear a process that was not at all clear before. As long as I heard the Minister correctly, his reply demonstrated a sort of sympathy and pragmatism toward students. First, those who may want to change their course within the institution that sponsors them will, as I understand it, be able to do so without coming back to the UK Border Agency. Secondly, for those who need or want to change institutions, there should be a reasonably rapid turnover from the agency as long as that institution is licensed to sponsor and they have the sponsoring letter. That was really what the amendment was all about, and we have had a clear explanation from the Minister. Unless I choke when I read Hansard afterwards, I may not need to return to this issue. I shall not say that I definitely will not, but for today I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment 108E withdrawn.

Amendments 109 to 110A not moved.

Clause 47 agreed.

Clause 48 agreed.


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