Surveillance: Citizens and the State - Constitution Committee Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 600-608)

Dr Victoria Williams

14 MAY 2008

  Q600  Lord Woolf: First, may I make a general point. One of the advantages of the PIA system is that it does at least make people conscious of the need to decide whether there is any justification. That starts off favourably, does it?

  Dr Williams: Yes. I think intellectual rigour and discipline is important and a framework of PIA can impose that discipline. It prevents the exercise from resolving into a weighing up, "feels acceptable all round" sort of exercise; it does indeed structure it and indeed can lay it bare to scrutiny. It is opened up in the courts. If a decision is plainly unreasonable and unsupported by evidence, it will at least be laid bare in the documentation.

  Q601  Lord Woolf: That takes me on to what I really wanted to focus on. If the information that is collected is going to be used for any purpose, and presumably it must be going to be used for some purpose or it should not be there, who should be, so far as public space is concerned, responsible for reviewing it or approving it in our set-up? Is this another power for the Home Office or the Ministry of Justice?

  Dr Williams: I see two different aspects. Review, on the one hand, I would perceive as effectively an internal matter to be carried out by an approved officer of a local authority or someone who is accredited or trained, but approval and regulation I would then take out of that rule and I would say someone of the standing of the Information Commissioner or an independent body of that sort ought to be responsible for licensing or indeed to have the powers to stop projects going ahead, to intervene in planning permission and effectively quash planning permission if a scheme was found to be excessive or disproportionate. I would have an independent body, not a government department. I have stopped short of saying regulation by the courts. That could come in more readily perhaps if we had a written constitution that laid down explicit rights or indeed a statute that laid out explicit rights to a presumption against surveillance. In the first instance, I would say in independent body such as the Information Commissioner.

  Q602  Lord Rowlands: The Information Commissioner would have the right to receive all applications by a local authority or any organisation to put new cameras into a public space and review them and then either authorise them or not?

  Dr Williams: One would have to have some sort of proportional criterion to prevent the ICO being overwhelmed but, subject to that, from my own point of view I would say: yes, the ICO should have the power to quash a public surveillance scheme if not approved by the ICO.

  Q603  Lord Rowlands: That is a huge extension of his responsibilities?

  Dr Williams: It would be, yes.

  Q604  Lord Rowlands: It would cut across the powers of planning authorities, et cetera?

  Dr Williams: Yes. I think it should be part of a profound consideration of the relationship between the citizen and the state, of which this is simply part. It may well be that a significant shift in those powers is necessary. At the moment certainly nobody would appear to have the power to quash the planning permission. There would not appear to be an overarching framework of control over mass, non-specific surveillance. So one would have to consider whether that is necessary. We do have a lot more surveillance perhaps than other jurisdictions now. Perhaps we have reached a point where that level of surveillance needs to be met with a commensurate level of regulation.

  Q605  Chairman: Dr Williams, you have covered an immense amount of ground, for which many thanks. You have covered partly what I am about to ask but perhaps you could give us a final formulation of your view in answer to this. You suggest in your written evidence that if PIAs are to be successfully applied to surveillance Parliament must, and I quote, "develop a clear set of principles to be applied to assessing the social impact, rather than merely the personal data privacy impact, of public surveillance". How do you think Parliament might undertake that task? Do you think that the principles should be included in any legislation making PIAs a mandatory requirement? Do you think that the development of these principles is only a matter for Parliament and not also for the Information Commissioner or civil society groups?

  Dr Williams: I think in the limit ultimately of course it has to be a matter for Parliament if laws are going to be enacted to regulate schemes of surveillance. In terms of where society draws the line in terms of how much we wish to be watched, it is a matter for the people at large, but of course Parliament is the voice of the people. One can only recommend a wide-ranging consultation with those groups that are affected. We do not have another process, short of revolution. Usually these countries that have developed massive constitutional change have undergone some very significant upheaval, but the way we do things here is by way of consideration and consultation. We do not have anything better than that. It is certainly not a matter simply for internal political debate. I think it should be a very wide-ranging gathering of views and representation from all interested groups.

  Q606  Lord Rowlands: One question that has not been listed, and if you do not feel you can answer it please say, so is this. When we were in Canada we had a very vocal case made to us that there should be a division of responsibility between freedom of information and privacy. In Canada there is a division between them; they are separate because they see the potential conflict of interest. Do you think that is a valid case and that we should have a Freedom of Information Office and a privacy officer or a privacy commissioner?

  Dr Williams: I do not think it necessarily follows. Freedom of information can be constrained legislatively to cover or to exclude information about private individuals. So that if one had a sufficiently clear legislative framework, I would not be so concerned about the necessity for separation of those powers, but it may well be, and I think it probably is, the case that in Canada they have a more wide-ranging freedom of information right perhaps than we have here. I do not know personally. If they have more wide-ranging freedom of information rights, then one can readily understand that there might be a conflict between those two. If one can formulate legislation that does not place the two in conflict, then one does not face the need for separation.

  Q607  Lord Rowlands: Do you think at the moment we have that legislation right?

  Dr Williams: As I understand it, freedom of information requests would be declined if they relate to individually identifiable private data.

  Q608  Lord Lyell of Markyate: You refer to developing a clear set of principles. It sounds very sensible. Have you thought about this? Have you written anything about it or if we were to ask you to write to us with two sides of A4 as to what those principles should be, would you be able to do so?

  Dr Williams: I certainly would be willing to carry out that task. I have not written anything other or beyond what I have written in my submission. I wrote a longer version of that that has been published in one of the journals, for which I can give the reference. The focus I think would be on the chilling of the exercise constitutional rights and perhaps there ought to be a review of jurisprudence on that. It is much more of an international matter in the sense than it is a national matter. I can certainly produce something.

  Lord Lyell of Markyate: It is really the principles: you talk about the review of jurisprudence but you and I know that that is very scattered.

  Chairman: Dr Williams, you have been extremely generous with your time. May I thank you on behalf of the committee for being with us and for the evidence you have given.


 
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