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The Deputy Chairman of Committees (Baroness Gibson of Market Rasen): My Lords, it has been agreed that, should any of the Questions for Short Debate not run for their allotted hour this afternoon, the Committee will adjourn during pleasure until the end of the allotted hour. Therefore, each of the Questions for Short Debate will start at 45 minutes past the hour. If there is a Division in the House, the Committee will adjourn for 10 minutes and, if necessary, time can be added on to the time for the Question for Short Debate.
Lord Chidgey: My Lords, 30 June will mark the 50th anniversary of Congolese independence and pressure is growing that, after a 50-year presence, UN forces should begin to wind down. Now is surely the time for the Congolese Government, with the support of regional Governments and the international community, to take the necessary steps to bring the conflict to an end once and for all. Her Majesty's Government, as the largest bilateral donor, giving £100 million last year, rising to £130 million in 2010, are well placed to take a lead, if the political will is there to support such an effort.
Some of the United Kingdom's most active NGOs, Congolese civil society organisations and the APPG on the Great Lakes Region of Africa are leading a campaign called "Congo Now". The Congo deserves to have a much higher political profile. The UK substantially supported the DRC's first democratic elections in 2006 and we have continued to invest in and support the democratic process since then. It is vital that Congo's next presidential and legislative elections should take place in 2011, following local elections planned for 2010, which have been delayed since 2006.
The war in the east of the country, however, threatens to prevent any future development of the country as a whole. Long-term economic development and infrastructure building remain impossible with the country in conflict. If it worsens, or weakens the Congolese state further, it presents a serious risk to the region as a whole. The LRA has now begun to make inroads into the DRC, with conflict erupting in areas other than the east, particularly in Dongo to the north-west. The Congo is teetering on a knife edge.
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Many observers confirm that MONUC remains a necessary presence, providing protection for civilians in the DRC while the Congolese army, the FARDC, is being trained and reformed. It is, however, evident that a military solution alone will not solve the crisis in the DRC. A more joined-up approach is needed and many observers are looking to the Rwandan Government to do more to facilitate that. In this context, will the Minister tell us what steps the UK has taken, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, to encourage the Governments of both the DRC and Rwanda to develop and implement options for temporary resettlement of FDLR combatants and their families, either within the Congo or in a third country?
The new MONUC mandate places a much heavier emphasis on the protection of civilians, a move that has been widely welcomed by the international community, but there is still more to be done to make MONUC a more effective peacekeeping force. Operations must be planned jointly between the FARDC and MONUC-something that Kimia II often failed to achieve. The joint protection teams of military and civilian personnel working together have proved to be highly effective but have had logistical and human resources problems. MONUC staff have mooted creating joint operating protection bases, allowing civilians to be stationed in remote operating areas and to work for more sustained periods and more effectively with military personnel. Will the Government make representations to Alan Doss, the special representative of the UN Security Council, to seriously consider this proposal while he is conducting a strategic review of MONUC and before he completes his report, which is due to be submitted to the United Nations Security Council by 1 April 2010?
Furthermore, under the aegis of UNSCR 1894 to advance and ensure protection of civilians, will the Government consider deploying a civilian protection expert group to eastern Congo to inquire into and rapidly report on civilian protection needs and challenges? The need for more effective protection is self-evident. The UNHCR reports that, since December, more than 15,500 new IDPs have been registered in North Kivu, around Kitchanga and north-west of Goma, adding to the appalling estimate of 2.1 million IDPs in the eastern DRC.
There is a lack of coherent and co-ordinated information about attacks against civilians and abuses against children. There is a lack of monitoring of the measures taken by MONUC to implement its strategy on the protection of civilians. A civilian protection expert group could develop measures for the protection of civilians in the DRC and promote humanitarian access and assistance. This would be an important step towards ending impunity for serious crimes in violation of international law.
It is essential that MONUC has the means to carry out its mandate and is provided with the rapid response capabilities and intelligence-gathering support that the mission has requested to meet its new mandate, which strongly encourages enhanced regular information sharing about the LRA. In the light of the new mandate, what
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A main driver of the conflict in the eastern DRC has been the trafficking of mineral and natural resources, with the proceeds controlled by rebel groups and in some cases by the Congolese army itself. The UN Group of Experts report of December 2009 exposed links between UK companies such as Amalgamated Metal Corporation and the purchase of "conflict minerals" sourced in mines controlled by rebel groups and then bought by UK-registered companies. Massive human rights abuses against local civilian populations result. The Global Witness report Faced with a Gun, What Can You Do? and the Enough Project's Digging In: Recent Developments on Conflict Minerals both clearly highlight this.
Have the Government raised with the Congolese Government the question of FARDC units and commanders engaging in mineral trafficking? Do the Government support the call by Human Rights Watch and others for the international community to assist with measures to strengthen military justice in the DRC and for the creation of a special chamber to prosecute violations of international humanitarian law? Can the Minister confirm that the Government have met their obligations under UNSCR 1857 to submit to the sanctions committee details of individuals and companies registered in the UK whose trade in conflict minerals is helping to fund armed groups in the eastern DRC?
The United States and Canada are developing draft legislation for disclosure and transparency in mining, oil and gas extraction activities, with the US highlighting precious mineral mining in the DRC such as columbite-tantalite, cassiterite and wolframite. Earlier this month, Norway became the first OECD country to disclose its oil and gas revenues under the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. What action are the Government taking to speed the implementation of more effective methods of monitoring and controlling supply chains used by UK firms operating in developing countries? What assistance are the Government providing to the DRC to develop and adopt similar national legislation requiring the performance of extraterritorial due diligence, particularly within the Great Lakes region, to international standards?
In this regard, the Government of the DRC signed the EITI in 2008 and pledged validation by March 2009. Discussions between DRC officials and the all-party parliamentary group have revealed that the DRC will not be ready to validate the EITI as planned. What discussions has the Minister had with his Congolese counterparts in this respect? Do the Government have any plans to further support the DRC's validation of the EITI?
The £6 billion collaboration agreement between the Government of the DRC and the Chinese Government in mid-2009 has raised serious concerns, not least with Members of the Congolese Parliament. Complaints have been made to the APPG over the lack of information on the contract signed between the two Governments and the lack of transparency in the proposed management
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The recent report from the UN Group of Experts on human rights concerns and security sector reform made it clear that diaspora FDLR leaders based in Europe are active in the decision-making for rebel groups operating in the DRC and are providing financial assistance through money transfers. Some Governments have made moves to arrest key known rebel leaders, but the UK has been criticised for withholding information about telephone calls made between FDLR leaders in the UK and commanders in the DRC. Will the Minister comment on whether the information requested by the UN Group of Experts regarding the FDLR leadership based in the UK has now been provided?
The Government of the DRC are being pressed to establish a vetting mechanism of human rights records in the appointment process to senior ranks within the FARDC resulting from the integration of armed groups into the army. Those suspected of committing violations should be immediately removed. The International Red Cross reports that four out of five women who go to their clinics for help in the DRC after being assaulted say that their assailant was a member of an armed group, either part of the government forces or a member of a rebel group. What measures are the Government taking to ensure that there is a strong human rights element in security sector reforms in the DRC, with measures to ensure that MONUC disengages support for FARDC units that are allegedly responsible for human rights abuses?
Lord Alton of Liverpool: My Lords, with great eloquence and clarity the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, has opened today's timely and welcome debate. It would be right for noble Lords, in thanking him, also to thank the All-Party Parliamentary Group on the Great Lakes for the work that it has done over many years in ensuring that Members of both Houses of Parliament are aware of the unfolding and continuing tragedy in Congo.
I last visited the DRC in 2004. Some 5 million people have died there since 1998; it is the most deadly conflict since World War II. The United Nations says that the amount of sexual violence is higher in the DRC than in any other country; more than 500,000 women have been raped, with an average in the east of the country of 40 women raped every single day in South Kivu. The extraordinary humanitarian work of Dr Denis Mukwege in South Kivu's "City of Joy", whose daughters describe him as a "doctor without borders", as outlined in the Times on 28 January, stands both as a rebuke to the world and as an inspiration.
Sometimes people ask what needs to be done to save Congo-more precisely, what the United Kingdom could and should do to help. I have four comments to make on that today. First, we should continue to help to drive forward the long overdue political dialogue between the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandan Hutus living in eastern Congo. Military operations
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In the same way that the Congolese Government have been opening negotiations with Congolese rebel groups, Her Majesty's Government should encourage the Governments of Rwanda and Uganda to open political dialogue with their respective countries' rebel groups in order to stabilise the Congo and Great Lakes region. I hope that the Minister will be able to tell us what progress is being made to resettle the FDLR combatants, as was agreed by the Governments of Rwanda and Congo in the Nairobi communiqué of 2007. As Alan Doss, the UN special representative, draws up his report on the work of MONUC, to be submitted by 1 April, are we pressing for the better planning of operations between FARDC and MONUC, for the sharing of intelligence information about the whereabouts of key figures wanted for war crimes, for the creation of joint protection teams for civilians and for more resources, particularly helicopters? Perhaps the Minister will also take the opportunity to make clear our continued support for the important work that MONUC does in the DRC.
Secondly, we must address the hidden obstacle to peace, something that the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, referred to. Specific grievances might have sparked specific episodes of fighting, but hidden below this is the more fundamental question: the control of easily appropriable and highly valuable natural resources by armed groups and national armies from neighbouring countries. That remains the biggest obstacle to long-term peace in the region. The Congo has more diamonds, more gold, more cobalt, more coltan and more uranium-to name only some of its phenomenal assets-than any country in Africa. In spite of the lamentable catalogue of crimes against humanity that are taking place, Congo probably remains Europe's and America's biggest supplier of uranium, coltan, cobalt and tin.
We need to deploy every possible diplomatic, financial and military means to end the looting of Congolese resources, which allows armed groups to recruit from their territory and fuel the wars in Congo. When did we last raise these issues with the Governments of Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda? How far have we reached with legislation in the United Kingdom, like that in the United States-the Congo Conflict Minerals Act 2009-to pave the way for legitimate companies to operate with transparency and social responsibility?
Resolution 1896, adopted by the Security Council on November 30 last year, mandates the Group of Experts to come up with recommendations for guidelines on the exercise of due diligence to prevent indirect support to armed groups through the exploitation and trafficking of natural resources in the DRC. Can the Minister tell us more about the timetable for the implementation of these guidelines?
Thirdly, throughout the Congo we must surely promote education for all. Education is said to be the cornerstone of personal, social and economic well-being of individuals and a vaccine against the social, historical and political ignorance that often breaks harmony and peace within and between communities. The Congo has a population of around 60 million people, 50 per cent of whom are
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The education of women-empowering them and helping them to rise to positions of leadership-should be central to our approach to development. I recently met officials at the Foreign Office to discuss the DRC and tabled a number of Questions, particularly about the position of the so-called shegues, or street children, who are imprisoned at Angenga and Buluwo prisons. What assessment has been made of conditions in those prisons? Can the Minister say how many street children are estimated to live on the streets of Kinshasa? How many are still under arms? The Government recently gave me figures about the funds allocated for schools and education. What percentage of our aid programme does this represent?
Fourthly and lastly, on impunity, to which the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, referred, the Congolese Government comprise military, government and parliamentary officials responsible for dozens of alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. Indeed, as Anneke Van Woudenberg of Human Rights Watch put it:
"In Congo, if someone starts an armed group or kills people, they have a better chance of becoming a senior minister or a general than being put behind bars".
I remain to be convinced that a group of people who have achieved political power because of involvement in mass killings and who have used sexual atrocities as weapons of war will ever successfully heal or lead a nation if they are permitted to carry out such atrocities with impunity. As in South Africa, there must be a process of truth and justice. Without it, reconciliation will never be possible.
I hope that the Minister in his reply will tell us what is happening about the extradition of Bosco Ntaganda, for whom there is an International Criminal Court warrant outstanding. When did we last discuss his case with the Congolese? What discussions have the Government had with the Government of Rwanda about bringing Laurent Nkunda, captured in January of last year, to trial and about arresting and bringing to trial Joseph Kony of the LRA? I am sure that we will hear more about that case from my noble friend Lady Cox.
I conclude by saying that we are all agreed that the situation in the Congo is extremely grave: it is a nation in ruin, suffocating in its own people's blood. In an open letter to the Prime Minister, President Obama and others, Vava Tampa, director of Save the Congo, in words that struck me forcefully, stated:
"A peaceful Congo is critically important for the citizens of DRC and the whole Great Lakes region".
That is a message that the whole world needs to hear.
Lord Sheikh: My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, for introducing this important debate. The unrest in eastern Congo is a chronicle of yet another region in Africa that has the mineral and
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The conflict in the region is about cultural identity and intolerance. It has resulted in a humanitarian crisis in which millions of internally displaced persons have been forced to leave their homes and innocent civilians are living in constant fear for their lives. The lawlessness in the region is indicative of a country where state institutions that should uphold law and order are desperately ineffective. Corruption permeates all levels of authority. The failure of the Amani peace programme to initiate a strategy for peace in North Kivu illustrates the importance of properly functioning state institutions to any regional initiative.
The militia are violating women as a means of exerting control, humiliation and submission. The abuses in this region are said to account for the majority of the work carried out by international aid organisations. The main culprits in this violent crime are the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda-FDLR-the Lord's Resistance Army and the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo, or FARDC, who perpetrate more than 90 per cent of the sexual abuses in eastern Congo. They are violating women, young girls and infants as young as three years of age. The level of brutality is alarming and leaves victims with physical and psychological wounds. There is a stigma attached to rape which results in many victims being ostracised from mainstream society in several parts of the region. The majority of victims are therefore reluctant to report their abuse for fear of rejection by their communities.
The militia groups in the region are a persistent danger to all citizens, but especially to women and children in eastern Congo. I strongly welcome the decision taken by the UN Security Council to improve the strategy among its forces in the region to protect citizens from militant attacks. Reports suggest that a significant number of abuses perpetrated against vulnerable citizens in the Congo are not being reported. What recent reports has the Minister received from the Congolese Government concerning the safety of women and children in eastern Congo?
Militia groups are still recruiting child soldiers in alarming numbers. The families of these children are often killed on the spot if they attempt to resist the advances of militants. The Congolese Government adopted the law on the protection of the child, but the departments that have been tasked with implementing the law and upholding the rights of children are ineffective. Children in eastern Congo are born into disadvantage, as deprivation and abuse are commonplace. The UK Government and their international partners must exert greater pressure on the Congolese Government to protect and uphold the rights of infants and young citizens as a matter of urgency.
The UK was criticised in a recent United Nations Group of Experts report on the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo for failing to provide information about telephone calls made to UK numbers from Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda military satellite phones and for failing to provide information about payments made to the FDLR website, a point
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The lawyer of Laurent Nkunda has recently stated that the former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People, or CNDP, is prepared to face trial for alleged war crimes or go into exile as a means of ending his detention without charge in Rwanda. The UN has accused Nkunda and the CNDP of crimes ranging from recruiting child soldiers to sexual violence during his leadership. As the biggest donor to the DRC and the second largest to Rwanda, what plans do Her Majesty's Government have to act on this recent development?
The situation in eastern Congo is an immense tragedy. General elections are to be held next year in the DRC in the absence of United Nations observers. This is of great concern, since corruption and violence are rife. I would like to see the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region take a more substantial role in bringing stability to eastern Congo. Failure to make an impact will result in many citizens fleeing across the border to Rwanda, which is already Africa's most densely populated nation. The absence of a strong state is the main barrier to peace in the region. The Government and institutions are seen as being remote by the vast majority of citizens, who, as a result, often turn to the militants for protection and survival. A lasting solution to the conflict in eastern Congo will not be achieved without reforming the security sector and installing a properly functioning judiciary.
Finally, eastern Congo's mineral wealth continues to play a vital role in sustaining the activities of militant groups. Recent reports have shown a direct link between British companies and minerals obtained from mines that are controlled by militias in the region. The noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, referred to this in his speech. This evidence suggests that the UK is in breach of the UN Security Council resolution that states that countries must provide details of organisations that are purchasing minerals from militant groups in eastern Congo. I would be grateful if the Minister could tell the Committee what steps Her Majesty's Government will take to ensure that this information is given to the UN sanctions committee in the near future.
Baroness Cox: My Lords, I, too, warmly congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, on initiating this debate, which is particularly timely given the critical situation in the DRC and other countries in the region. My small NGO, HART, or the Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust, has been working in southern Sudan and northern Uganda, where we have witnessed the havoc created by the Lord's Resistance Army-the LRA-in those countries. Therefore, I hope that a contribution that highlights the problems caused by the LRA may be helpful in understanding this aspect of the problems facing the DRC today.
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