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The northern Afghanistan ethnic Tajik region would be a perfect springboard for implementing a diverse programme for a number of reasons. First, the region is comparatively safe. Secondly, the so-called northerly Moscow route of drugs could be systematically addressed. There could be a programme of total eradication of poppy in the region by spraying under an altered ISAF mandate, run in parallel with a diversified crops programme and, most important, markets into which to sell. I will add to this the essential need to stem the flow of precursor chemicals, the necessary ingredient for heroin production. Thirdly, American-supplied bridge infrastructure is already in place and could be further increased by locally delivered projects to cross the river.
Fourthly, organisations such as the well respected Aga Khan Foundation could be supported to ensure that the chain of governmental structures is bypassed so that benefits reach those who are most in need. They have good relations with regional Governments, ground truth, local understanding and experience and connections with communities that translate into real opportunities, service delivery, incomes and jobs for people. This programme might start with strengthening local communities along the border areas and should include education. There will never be local representative systems in Afghanistan with the inability of its people to read and write.
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Fifthly, we should stem the tide of northbound Afghan refugees into Tajikistan. I commend to the House the outstanding and effective manner in which Ilija Todorovic, the head of the UNHCR in Dushanbe, carries out an extraordinary task with practically no resources. Through his good offices, I visited the apartment blocks where the refugees are housed and met a number of families. The lack of international support for his activities is a-I apologise for using this word-disgrace. I undertook not to forget Mr Todorovic. Ilija, I will not.
Sixthly, I repeat that it is generally recognised that we must talk to the moderates. In years gone by, a member of the United Nations and I met the Taliban in Kandahar. It can be engaged with and official channels of contact can be established. From the perspective of the Taliban, its war against westerners is a holy war combined with a war of national liberation against foreign military occupation and a civil war against the corrupt ruling elite in Kabul, which they see brought to the table by the US and the UK. Among many messages that we must impart is that we are not about systematically disrupting or altering its deeply felt ideology. On our side, we must be assured that al-Qaeda will not be allowed to use Afghanistan for training and as a springboard for further atrocities. The Taliban must distance itself from al-Qaeda, and I suspect that it will use this as some form of final negotiation with the West. However, the practical reality is that the Taliban controls the everyday life of Afghans. As an example, last summer, the leadership issued strict guidelines containing rules on the behaviour of mujaheddin and commanders and on how prisoners must be treated and violators punished.
Central Asian neighbours are convinced that military-only options are doomed, so I conclude on a point about timing. The Taliban associates the military intervention of the US in Muslim countries that occurred during the Republican Administration with Christian fundamentalists. Democrats are not perceived similarly. For this reason, the Taliban could be more easily persuaded to enter into discussions with the Democrats. By a similar logic, a possible change of political landscape in the UK would lead to an immediate opportunity.
4.54 pm
Baroness Northover: My Lords, as ever, we have had a stunning, and often moving, array of speeches today that were far wider ranging than the Queen's Speech, and it will be only a few months before we have another Queen's Speech. However, I shall look at the specific proposals in this speech. The Bribery Bill will bring the UK into line with international anti-bribery rules by making it an offence to attempt to bribe foreign officials, and it is long overdue. It ought to have prevented the outrageous decision to halt the Serious Fraud Office's investigation into allegations of corruption in BAE arms sales.
Then there is the Cluster Munitions (Prohibition) Bill about which the noble Lord, Lord Dubs, spoke and on which his campaigning has been tireless. It is also very welcome, although it is, again, belated. It was astonishing that the Government so dragged their feet over this issue. The Convention on Cluster Munitions,
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Then there is draft legislation,
- "to make binding my Government's commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of national income on international development from 2013".
Many noble Lords-including the right reverend Prelates the Bishops of Bath and Wells and of Winchester; the noble Viscount, Lord Eccles; the noble Earl, Lord Sandwich; and my noble friends Lord Chidgey and Lady Williams-have mentioned this. Such a pledge is of course welcome.
The Prime Minister stated in his speech at his party conference that,
- "what was once an aspiration-0.7 per cent of national income spent on international development aid, has become with Labour a promise, and will in future become a law. We will pass legislation that the British government is obliged to raise spending on aid to the poorest countries to 0.7 per cent of our national income. Others may break their promises to the poorest; with Labour Britain never will".
This was a clever move that attempted to bind the next Government to meet this target. If the Conservatives won the election, they would have the difficulty and embarrassment of breaking the law, repealing it or implementing it, despite having clearly very mixed views deep down about this commitment. When they left office in 1997, the level stood at 0.26 per cent, and I find few Conservative MPs involved in development issues.
We have long supported the 0.7 per cent target-indeed, we were the first party to do so-but, as my noble friend Lady Williams has pointed out, under Labour we are nowhere near the target. I checked with the Library for the latest figures, and it gave these: 0.36 per cent in 2007 and 0.43 per cent in 2008. That is better by far than the Tories, but not brilliant. Will the Minister say how likely it is that a Bill with a 0.7 per cent target will reach the statute book by the general election? Does she agree that a commitment only to a draft Bill, with the election coming, is in effect the same as dropping the pledge? It would have been such a quick and simple Bill, but it is now a draft Bill.
- "effective global and European collaboration through the G20 and the European Union to sustain economic recovery and to combat climate change".
Many speakers today have mentioned the potential impact of climate change. Where does the Minister think we are in reaching a deal in Copenhagen? Are we indeed backing away from a deal and into a "framework" for a deal-the term used by the noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock? What does that mean, and when might the strong commitments that are required be put into place?
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Today, millions of people across the world are suffering from the effects of climate change. By 2050, if not enough is done to stem a rise in global temperatures, at least 30 million more people will go hungry and 250 million more people will be forced to leave their homes. The noble Lord, Lord Jay, mentioned regions of Africa, such as Sudan, Liberia and Somalia, in which conflict can be predicted even now. Let us now try adding in climate change. We already see that the conflict in Sudan is being worsened by the spread of the Sahara and thus by the displacement of the Janjaweed, which has caused such terror elsewhere. We can see the seeds of future conflict in climate change as people go hungry, migrate and target the land and resources of others. We know that it is in everyone's interest to take this forward.
As Professor Beddington, the Government's Chief Scientific Adviser, pointed out at a DfID seminar the other day, with increases in population, urbanisation and development, by 2030, the demand for food and energy is likely to increase by 50 per cent and for water by 30 per cent. Add in climate change and we potentially face, as he put it, "a perfect storm". Climate change will continue even if there is an agreement at Copenhagen. The differential effects of that, especially at the poles and therefore on water levels, are potentially disastrous. So in Africa you could see high levels of forest fires, droughts, water stress, soil salination and changes in disease patterns.
As my noble friend Lord Chidgey pointed out, it is the poorest who are the worst hit. You can see that now in the Horn of Africa where drought results in people selling their livestock, on which their futures depend, because they are absolutely desperate. As ever, it is women and children who often suffer, as in most conflicts, the first and the worst. We can already see the pressure on Africa's farmland as large companies, particularly from China and the Far East, buy up tracts, which may or may not be in the best interests of those in the local area who may be displaced and not receive the food then produced. Will it need a catastrophe close to home to jolt people into action?
The speech identifies the need to work internationally on such problem areas as nuclear proliferation, which my noble friend Lady Williams and the noble Lord, Lord Hannay, expertly addressed. It also addresses Afghanistan and Pakistan. Many in this debate have spoken of the dangers in this region. As the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Bath and Wells and others have said, poverty and conflict are intertwined, and long-term peace can be secured in Afghanistan only by tackling this.
There seems to be much greater recognition that development is the long-term key to stability. Will the noble Baroness comment on the doctrine for stabilisation operations issued this week and on how the UK will draw in the Taliban? What can be done to minimise civilian losses? I associate these Benches with the condolences expressed by others about the loss of life and injury to our troops in very difficult circumstances in Afghanistan. Does the noble Baroness agree that the troops are overstretched and that this must be addressed? What can she tell us of US decisions in this regard?
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A theme that has run through this debate has been the need to work with international partners. This is surely so in the Middle East. The noble Lord, Lord Turnberg, made a particularly moving speech and I salute his personal attempts to build bridges. Just as the noble Lord, Lord Jay, sees the development of the UN duty to protect as something whose time must come, so respect for international law must underpin what should happen in the Middle East. It seems to me that justice and hope are inextricably linked. The development of international law surely underpins this. That is why the Goldstone report is such a brave and important development. The fact-finding mission to Gaza was established by the UN Human Rights Council, led by Justice Richard Goldstone, former prosecutor in the Yugoslav and Rwanda trials. It found overwhelming evidence that serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law were committed particularly by Israel, but also by Palestinian armed groups. Surely they are right that these must be properly investigated. If they are not, these matters should be referred to the International Criminal Court. The UK Government have said that the report is flawed. In what way is it flawed? It does not seek to come to a definitive answer in particular cases; it says that these need to be properly investigated. International law should be applied fairly, whether that is in Israel and Gaza, Sri Lanka, Sudan or northern Uganda. Yes, we should engage and not boycott, but the very fact that an international court is even now considering crimes in Cambodia shows that no one can assume impunity.
We are looking towards a general election. There is much that might be commended in Labour's record. Its commitment to international development was a real change, which should never be forgotten, compared with the lack of priority the Conservatives gave to it when they had a chance. However, Labour has dissipated so much international good will through its disastrous intervention in Iraq. This completely overshadowed action in Afghanistan, which had international agreement but which was sidelined, overshadowed and starved of funds by the Iraqi engagement.
Labour's engagement with the G20, particularly over the financial crisis, and its recognition of the importance now of countries such as China, India and Brazil is welcome. However, its love-hate relationship with the EU has damaged our position there. There is so much more it could have done to explain to the British public why acting with this major bloc with its huge economic power in the world, was in our best interests. As my noble friend Lord Wallace pointed out, how can you properly address climate change, international terrorism and migration unless you do so on an EU-wide basis?
Where do the Conservatives stand? It is frankly astonishing, and it should be deeply troubling-not least to opposition Members in this House-to see that, in order to win selection as leader of the Tory Party, David Cameron said that it would break with its former grouping in the European Parliament and form a new group with right-wingers, whom they are now trying to shadow and silence. How could it possibly have thought it was in the UK's or the EU's interest to do this? What does it say about principles if they can
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As we conclude the consideration of the foreign affairs, defence and international development part of the debate on the last Queen's Speech of this Parliament, there is a huge array of challenges facing this country and the wider world. However, depending on the general election results, there has to be a major question mark over the UK's ability in the future to play any kind of constructive part in international affairs, which surely can be the only way we can take forward any resolution to those challenges.
5.07 pm
Lord Astor of Hever: My Lords, I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, that this has been an excellent debate. I also welcome the noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, to the Dispatch Box for the Queen's Speech debate. However, one name is missing from the speakers' list-my noble friend Lord Hurd. Like others, I wish him a speedy recovery.
I shall concentrate on defence issues. I start by paying tribute to those who serve in the Royal Navy, the Royal Marines, the Army and the Royal Air Force, and remember those recovering from injuries, some life changing. I also pay tribute to their families, especially to those who have lost a loved one, and to our veterans.
We on these Benches welcome and support the Cluster Munitions (Prohibition) Bill. I echo my noble friend Lord Howell in complimenting my noble friend Lord Elton and the noble Lord, Lord Dubs, for the excellent and hard work that they have done on this issue. Cluster munitions have caused far too many indiscriminate casualties over the years. However, it is essential that the operational capability of our Armed Forces and their safety in a battlefield situation are not compromised. Some key countries have not signed the agreement. What progress has been made regarding negotiations with these countries? The US Administration have made some moves, but what about Russia, which, it is claimed, used cluster bombs against Georgia?
As I shall concentrate on defence issues, I am only sorry that I shall not have time to challenge many of the points made by the noble Lord, Lord Wallace of Saltaire. I always listen carefully to his thoughtful speeches, so I was rather surprised that most of his speech today was spent criticising, mostly inaccurately, my party. Despite what the noble Lord said, I have never known relations between the French and my party to be as good as they are at the moment. I have been patron of the Conservatives in Paris for seven years and I cannot remember being approached, as I have been on numerous occasions this year, by so many French politicians asking to meet David Cameron and other senior members of my party.
Our defence debate earlier this month proved that Afghanistan remains the greatest challenge confronting our nation. The noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, rightly said that our presence there is a necessity, not a choice. I am proud to say that we on these Benches will
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NATO tactics are evolving. Despite recent casualties, our forces are getting better at using smart optics to detect IEDs and at building up intelligence on the networks responsible for planting them. The battle for Helmand can be won.
I was fortunate enough to go out to Afghanistan this year; indeed, I travelled out sitting next to the noble Lord, Lord Dubs. I agree with the noble Lord that all the Afghans we met pleaded with us to stay, feeling very vulnerable to the Taliban. I also agree with him, and my noble and learned friend Lord Mayhew, about the importance of getting on top of corruption there. The soldiers to whom I spoke in Afghanistan were unanimous in their belief that it is in the national interest that we succeed there. We can make our contribution by ensuring that the Government give them the tools to finish the job.
The noble and gallant Lord, Lord Guthrie, said that the Armed Forces need to know that the Government and the people are with them and for them. The noble and gallant Lord, Lord Bramall, said that morale was high at the 2Rifles medal parade and that he did not come across any discordant note. However, there is a growing sense of unease in the Army that the determination shown by troops on the front line is being undermined by the sense of gloom at home. Politicians need to understand the inherent dangers of war. I agree with my noble friend Lord Howell that continuous talk of an exit strategy is unhelpful. We cannot have a situation where soldiers on the ground start thinking, "What's the point of losing your life for a cause that we're abandoning?".
This is not a reason to give up the fight, but a call for stronger leadership and clearer communication of military strategy from our Government. On the one hand, the Prime Minister says that our troops' presence in Afghanistan is vital for our security and safety at home; on the other, he says that he will not,
- "put the lives of British men and women in harm's way for a government that does not stand up against corruption".
Either their presence is a national security imperative, or it is not. Which is it?
The Afghan Government must trust that we are committed, but how can our own soldiers trust our commitment when the Government cut funding to Territorial Army training during wartime, and pledge 500 additional troops but set heavy caveats? I hope that the Minister will say something about where we stand at the moment with the three conditions that the Prime Minister mentioned.
The Prime Minister said very clearly that the request for 500 extra troops follows from,
- "clear military advice from our chiefs of staff and our commanders on the ground on implementing our strategy and reducing the risk to our forces".-[Official Report, Commons, 14/10/09; col. 302.]
Yet a month after these words, those 500 soldiers and their families are still waiting for the Government to make up their mind. Having set a new target date for
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To achieve success, we on these Benches endorse NATO's fully fledged counterinsurgency strategy, crafted by General McChrystal. Implicit in the general's strategy is the training of Afghan forces. No counterinsurgency is successful without a capable host nation force comprised of military and police forces. The Afghan Defence Ministry's army fielding acceleration plan now advances the full-sized ANA fielding target date to December 2011. What can be done to ensure the achievement of this goal? No less important are the Afghan police. The launch of the Afghan national development strategy last year and the subsequent Ministry of Interior police reform are two steps in establishing robust and capable police forces. However, as General McChrystal's recent assessment states,
- "the ANP suffers from a lack of training, leaders, resources, equipment and mentoring. Effective policing is inhibited by the absence of a working system of justice".
Can the Minister say what the Government are doing to incorporate the development of the ANP into the current strategy? What of other local auxiliary forces? Already there is a public protection programme in Wardak province that uses local citizens as static security forces for checkpoints and roadblocks. Has any consideration been given to establishing such a programme in Helmand, at least in the interim?
While it is the most pressing issue, Afghanistan is not our only challenge. Today, the British Armed Forces are participating in 15 international operations. We have 41,000 troops in 32 countries and overseas territories. It is therefore vital that we train and prepare ourselves for a wide range of conflicts. In the MoD, they speak euphemistically of "capability holidays", which means that such things as air-to-air refuelling and unit-level para drops are being neglected. What message does that send to those around the world who wish us ill?
On equipment, the recently published Gray report reveals the Government's management of the equipment programme as haphazard at best and scandalous at worst. However, it is not all bad news on the equipment front. I am happy to see that, as a result of an initiative that I and the noble Lord, Lord Drayson, launched, the motorsport industry is applying its skills-and it is particularly adept at getting things done quickly-in support of the MoD's urgent operational requirements. Some of these motorsport companies and their factories are now on a real war footing, and I congratulate the noble Baroness and the noble Lord, Lord Drayson, on encouraging this important initiative.
On helicopters, the Government have told us that we have enough; then they admit that we do not. So, additional Chinooks are apparently being purchased in a hurry. Can the Government confirm the number? Is it 10, or is it 20? When will they be available? The future medium-lift helicopter, which would bring new aircraft into the inventory, seems to be a low priority; instead, we have an upgrade in Romania of the Puma, which can charitably be characterised as a tired airframe.
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My noble friend Lord Selsdon mentioned sea lanes. During this Government's term in office, the number of front-line ships has been reduced. We now see RFA ships undertaking the role properly ascribed to warships; the recent hijacking of the Chandlers' yacht by pirates, which the noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, mentioned, illustrates this point. There have been media reports that the MoD is planning to sell one of the new aircraft carriers to India. Could the Minister comment on that? Finally, we have the prospect of a Green Paper at some point in the new year. That will address many of the issues that we have been discussing today, and I very much hope that it will finally acknowledge that this country is engaged in a war.
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