- Constitution Committee Contents


Memorandum by Jonathan Powell, former Chief of Staff to Tony Blair

  I have six brief points to make on the subjects the Committee is considering. They are based on nearly 30 years experience in the public service including 10 years in Number 10 Downing Street.

  In my view the Cabinet Office is one of the most effective parts of the machinery of government. While perhaps not quite the Ferrari referred to in Gerald Kaufmann's excellent book How to be a Minister it is certainly in the top league. The following are entirely personal thoughts.

  First, in my view the Cabinet is not the right body in which to attempt to make difficult decisions. It has too many members for a proper debate. Many of those who are there will not necessarily be well-briefed on the subjects under discussion unless they come directly within the remit of their departments. And many individuals whose input is necessary for well informed decisions, e.g. the military chiefs of staff, are not present. It is for that reason that since at least the late 1970s the Cabinet has been used to ratify decisions rather than to take them. Cabinet committees on the other hand are an essential instrument of government decision making: all the relevant people can be there (and not the irrelevant), they are focussed on particular decisions, properly prepared and they have as much time as they need to reach a decision. In my view therefore rather than arguing about the death of Cabinet government, when it in fact died a long time ago, we should spend more effort reinforcing the Cabinet committees and their supporting infrastructure as a key part of government decision making.

  Second, it is important to effective administration that the Cabinet Office not become the proponent of the lowest common denominator between departments but be the driver of government. The analogy I always think of is that Number 10 should be the gearstick in the Prime Minister's hand—light and responsive—and the Cabinet Office should be the drive shaft—making sure the wheels of government are all moving in the same direction and at the same speed. So the Cabinet Office should not be some neutral body mediating differences between departments but an institution designed to drive through the policies of the Prime Minister and the wider centre of government (including the Treasury). This requires close coordination between Number 10, the Cabinet Office and the Treasury and a clear plan of what the government is trying to achieve. Departments should not be independent feudal baronies paying fealty to the centre while getting on with their own thing but part of a united government with collective responsibility and a manifesto they are trying to implement. The Cabinet Office should be the central body making sure that that plan is put into practice.

  Third, I do not believe the Prime Minister's Office should be allowed to grow into a monstrous new department. As I said above, it should be light and responsive to the Prime Minister's intentions. Everyone in Number 10 should really know what the Prime Minister thinks first hand rather than trying to guess at it because they rarely or never see him or her, and then create havoc by calling departments and saying "the Prime Minister thinks." About 10 years ago a young official came from the German Kanzleramt to study how Number 10 worked to establish whether there were any lessons for Germany. When he left he said to me that the one thing we should never do is try to replicate the size of the Kanzleramt with its various Abteilungs or departments in London or we would end up with an ungainly bureaucracy rather than a light and mobile centre of government. So while it is tempting to give the Prime Minister more staff to deal with the battalions of Whitehall, I think it is more sensible to keep many of the functions that would otherwise be placed in Number 10 in the Cabinet Office. For example our innovation in government of double hatting the European Adviser and the Foreign Policy Adviser in Number 10 as simultaneously the head of their respective secretariats in the Cabinet Office reduced staffing and increased efficiency enormously and above all put both on an equal footing with their European opposite numbers, where these positions are both in the office of the Prime Minister or President and well staffed.

  Fourth, I continue to believe it would be sensible to give serious thought to merging the public spending part of the Treasury with the Cabinet Office in an Office of Management and the Budget under a Chief Secretary, leaving the residue of the Treasury as a traditional Finance Ministry. We looked at this several times in government but did not in the end implement it. Such a reform would make it possible to bring together the Public Sector Agreement targets set by the Treasury with the separate objectives set by the Prime Minister for the Delivery Unit, and ensure that the levers of management and finance are all pulling in the same direction.

  Fifth, I think the principal job of the Cabinet Secretary should be to manage the reform of the Civil Service. He should set incentives for permanent secretaries and be able to move around the top layer of civil servants between departments so that we break out of the existing silo mentality in departments and instead have a sense of a common service. Changes have been made in this direction in recent years by the current Cabinet Secretary and his predecessors but there is still a way to go.

  And lastly I think there is a real danger of the Cabinet Office becoming a dustbin for units that can't find a place elsewhere in government. There is a good case for having a clear out after every election and assigning most of those units that have accreted to the Cabinet Office over the previous four or five years to individual departments so that the Cabinet Office can focus on its core functions. If a place really can't be found for them elsewhere then we should ask ourselves the question whether they are really necessary at all.

11 June 2009


 
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