Memorandum by Dr Anthony Seldon
The general election of 2010 provides the opportunity
for a fundamental re-planning of the centre of British government.
The recent addition of new functions and new structures, in particular
since 1997, has not been without value. But they have been the
result, as have almost all the changes at the centre been since
1964, of contingency—a new priority, new personnel, new
relationships, mistrust of those outside Number 10—rather
than rational thought. The new system is bloated: it may in some
ways be more "joined-up", but it is not more streamlined
nor efficient.
I recommend, therefore, a ground-up reworking
of the centre of British government. Many of those who have worked
in the system will have vested interests in seeing the status
quo continue, or will be defensive about the changes that
have been instituted. The re-think therefore must take account
of the following:
(i) What support will the PM/Cabinet/CS need
from the centre in 2010-25?
(ii) What structures work best in the centres
abroad?
(iii) What structures work best at the centre
of major international corporations?
(iv) What does the academic literature suggest?
(v) The roles of the Prime Minister—supporting
him in each of these properly.
Some of the problems with the current system
are:
(i) overlapping functions resulting in duplication;
(ii) lack of clarity, resulting in confusion;
(iii) lack of visibility and accountability,
resulting in mistrust;
(iv) exclusion from decisions of key figures
from Number 10, Cabinet and Whitehall, resulting in resentment,
demoralisation, and poor decisions; and
(v) a flawed communications system, resulting
in loss of trust and respect.
The status quo is haphazard. In short,
a mess. Any new system must be guided by:
(i) simplicity and clarity;
(iii) service to the Prime Minister to allow
him/her to function optimally;
(iv) strengthening the work of Cabinet and government
collectively; and
(v) observation of constitutional norms, and
respect for an impartial Civil Service.
The Prime Minister's jobs include: 1. Chief
Executive. He needs a strong Private Office again to connect him
to the Civil Service: 2. Head of Cabinet. He needs a strong Cabinet
Office to service Cabinet and its committees, and coordinate government:
3. Head Policy Formulator. He needs a short-term policy (Policy
Unit) and long-term office (Strategy Unit) to evaluate and decide
on options: 4. Party Head. He needs the Political Office to connect
him to the party: 5. Leader of Governing Party—the legislative.
He needs a Parliamentary Office to service his parliamentary and
constituency needs: 6. Chief Appointing Office. It needs a strong
appointments office to advice on both governmental and wider appointments:
7. National Leader. Responsibilities for the nation's security,
defence, prestige and commercial success can all be subsumed within
the offices above: the Prime Minister's spouse needs a well-funded
office. The Cabinet Secretary needs to be again a figure of real
stature—akin to Edward Bridges or Norman Brook—who
can stand up for the Civil Service and stand up to the Prime Minister.
Imposing institutional change is notoriously
difficult. Yet root and branch restructuring is what the Committee
must recommend. Only such a clear call will result in the necessary
change.
ANTHONY SELDON
(DR)
(Author of articles on the Cabinet Office and
its committees, the Cabinet 1900-2000, books on the Prime Minister's
Office, edited volumes of the Governments of Heath, Wilson, Callaghan,
Thatcher, Major, Blair and Brown (forthcoming), and biographies
of Major and Blair. Founder of the Institute of Contemporary British
History.)
May 2009
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