CHAPTER 2: background
11. The UK has a complex history of involvement
in EU justice and home affairs cooperation, which includes police
and criminal justice measures. In order to put the opt-out decision
in its proper context, an overview of the main developments is
provided in this chapter, which ends by considering the origins
of Article 10, Protocol 36. Box 2 provides a timeline of EU cooperation
in this area (the acronyms and titles are explained in Appendix 8).
BOX 2
Evolution of EU Justice and Home Affairs/Police
and Criminal Justice cooperation
1957-Treaty of Rome establishing the European Economic
Community (EEC)-commitment to free movement of people; adoption
of Council of Europe Convention on Extradition
1973-UK accedes to the European Communities
1975-TREVI group of Interior Ministers and officials
established
1985-Schengen Agreement
1986-Single European Act-commitment to remove internal
border controls
1990-Schengen Implementing Convention
1992-Target date for establishing the Single Market
(therefore increasing the free movement of goods, workers, capital
and services)
1993-Treaty of Maastricht enters into force-creation
of JHA (Third) Pillar covering asylum, immigration, border controls
and cooperation between customs, police and judicial authorities
1995-Creation of the Schengen Area and the removal
of internal border controls between participating states
1999-Treaty of Amsterdam enters in force-police and
judicial co-operation on criminal matters remains in the Third
Pillar; UK and Irish opt-in begins to apply in relation to migration,
asylum and border controls in First Pillar; Schengen Area incorporated
into the EU Treaties and provision made for the UK and Ireland
to apply to participate in Schengen-building measures; Europol
becomes operational; adoption of Tampere Programme
2001-CEPOL established
2002-Eurojust established
2004-EAW entered into force; adoption of Hague Programme
2007-Protocol on transitional provisions (Protocol
36) inserted into the Treaty of Lisbon
2009-Treaty of Lisbon enters into force on 1 December
2009; abolition of Third Pillar; UK and Irish opt-in widened to
apply to all JHA matters, including provision to opt out of Schengen-building
measures. Adoption of the Stockholm Programme
31 May 2014-deadline for any opt-out decision to
be made by the UK under Protocol 36
1 December 2014-end of transitional provisions under
Protocol 36; CJEU assumes jurisdiction over old Third Pillar measures
and Commission enforcement powers apply
Early European cooperation
12. Following a number of terrorist acts, including
the hostage taking during the 1972 Munich Olympic Games, the TREVI
group was established during the December 1975 European Council
meeting in Rome by Member States' ministers of justice and the
interior.[5] It was an
intergovernmental committee, or forum, which met and deliberated
outside the formal framework of the European Economic Community
(EEC). TREVI met biannually at the ministerial level, with more
frequent meetings of the relevant government officials and law
enforcement authorities in a number of working groups. While it
initially focused on coordinating effective counter-terrorist
responses among its members, it gradually began to consider wider
cross-border policing and security issues. It continued to meet
regularly until it was superseded by the Third Pillar arrangements
under the Treaty of Maastricht.
The Schengen Area
13. In 1985, five of the then 10 EEC Member States,
not including the UK or Ireland, signed the Schengen Agreement,[6]
which provided for the gradual abolition of internal border controls
and a common visa policy. The Agreement was supplemented by the
Schengen Implementing Convention in 1990, which eventually led
to the creation of a borderless Schengen Area in 1995.[7]
The main purpose of the Convention was to provide for greater
freedom from border controls of movements of goods, persons and
services, alongside compensatory measures to enhance customs and
police cooperation. It also contained provision for the pursuit
of criminals across Member States' borders, cooperation on asylum
and immigration, joint action against drug-trafficking and terrorism
and the establishment of a computer databasethe Schengen
Information System (SIS)for the exchange of information
between law enforcement agencies. Until 1999, Schengen operated
outside the EU Treaties, and the lack of democratic and judicial
oversight was the subject of frequent criticism. It was formally
incorporated into EU law by the Treaty of Amsterdam.
Treaty of Maastricht
14. Justice and home affairs cooperation first
became part of the formal EU agenda with the entry into force
of the Treaty of Maastricht in November 1993, which created the
pillar system. The European Community (EC) became the First Pillar,
and the Second and Third Pillars were the Common Foreign and Security
Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) respectively.
Unlike the First Pillar, under which action generally required
decisions of the Council on the basis of proposals from the Commission,
with the participation of the European Parliament and qualified
majority voting (QMV) in the Council of Ministers, the Second
and Third Pillars were "intergovernmental" in nature.
Measures adopted within the Third Pillar required unanimity in
the Council and the European Parliament had only a limited consultative
role. The Commission's right to bring infringement actions against
Member States for failure to fulfil their obligations under the
Treaties, for example by incorrectly transposing legislation,
and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), did
not apply to the Second and Third Pillars.
Treaty of Amsterdam
15. With the entry into force of the Treaty of
Amsterdam on 1 May 1999, the concept of an Area of Freedom, Security
and Justice (AFSJ), covering all aspects of JHA, was born. One
of the principal changes it introduced was the transfer of immigration
and asylum measures, border controls and the areas of civil and
family law, from the Third Pillar into the First Pillar (which
became Title IV TEC). The Third Pillar was renamed Police and
Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters, to reflect the change,
becoming Title VI TEU. Thereafter, the Commission's enforcement
powers and ECJ's jurisdiction applied to all Title IV TEC measures,
broadly in line with the existing measures under the First Pillar.
This was not the case with respect to the Third Pillar, which
remained intergovernmental in nature, unless Member States made
a declaration accepting the ECJ's jurisdiction (which a number
of Member States did).
16. The UK and Ireland negotiated an opt-in arrangement
in a Protocol which allowed them to control their level of participation
in AFSJ measures (under the provisions transferred from the Third
Pillar to the First).[8]
Article 3 of the Protocol permitted the UK to choose, on a case-by-case
basis, whether to opt in to measures proposed by the Commission
under Title IV TEU within three months, by notifying the Council
of its intention to participate. If it did not choose to opt in
it was also entitled, under Article 4, to opt in at any time after
its adoption by the Council (but was unable to renegotiate its
terms at that stage) by notifying and securing the agreement of
the Commission. The unanimity requirement[9]
for the agreement of measures (Framework Decisions, Council Decisions
and Conventions) under the Third Pillar obviated the need for
any opt-in to be negotiated in this area; if the UK did not like
a proposal, it could block it by voting against it.
17. The Schengen Protocol integrated the Schengen
acquis (body of law) into the EU Treaty framework.[10]
When this Protocol was agreed the UK and Ireland did not participate
in any aspect of the Schengen acquis. Accordingly, Article
4 of the Protocol confirmed that both the UK and Ireland were
not bound by the Schengen acquis but might at any time
"request to take part in some or all of the provisions of
the acquis", with the Council deciding such requests
by unanimity. Article 5 set out provisions on "Schengen-building
measures", which the UK and Ireland were also given the option
of applying to the Council to participate in. Following the entry
into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Council approved a
request from the UK to participate in some aspects of the Schengen
acquis and a Decision was adopted in 2000, followed by
an implementing Decision in 2004.[11]
The UK now participates in the policing and criminal justice aspects
of the Schengen acquis, but not the immigration aspects.
Treaty of Lisbon
18. The Treaty of Lisbon entered into force on
1 December 2009 and merged the First and Third Pillars. Title
IV TEC and Title VI TEU became Title V of Part Three of the Treaty
on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), and almost all
JHA matters are now dealt with by QMV, with the European Parliament
enjoying equal rights with the Council in the Ordinary Legislative
Procedure (formerly known as co-decision).[12]
However, measures concerning operational police cooperation and
the establishment of a European Public Prosecutor's Office (EPPO)
are subject to a Special Legislative Procedure, which continues
to require unanimity in Council, with the European Parliament
being consulted in the first case[13]
but having to consent in relation to an EPPO proposal.[14]
19. Under the old Title VI TEU the right to initiate
proposals was shared by the Commission and the Member States (whereas
the Commission had the sole right of initiative in the majority
of other EU measures). As a result some Framework Decisions were
initiated by Member States. The Treaty of Lisbon retained the
shared right of initiative but required that at least a quarter
of the Member States would have to initiate a proposal for it
to be valid.
OPT-INS
20. The UK and Ireland negotiated a new Protocol
in the Treaty of Lisbon (Protocol 21) on the position of the UK
and Ireland in respect of the whole AFSJ under Title V TFEU, which
extended the opt-in procedure to include proposals under what
had been Third Pillar provisions. Since the adoption of post-Lisbon
PCJ measures no longer requires unanimity, they cannot be blocked
by the UK alone; but if the government of the day do not like
them, they need not opt in to them.
SCHENGEN OPT-OUTS
21. In line with the new Protocol 21, the Schengen
Protocol was amended to permit the UK (and Ireland) complete freedom
to decide whether to participate in Schengen measures. Article
5(2) of the Protocol provides additional flexibility for the UK
to decide not to participate in measures which build upon aspects
of the Schengen acquis in which it already participates.
In such cases, there is a presumption that the UK will participate,
but the UK may notify the Council within three months that it
does not wish to take part in the Schengen-building measure in
question, by opting out of the requisite proposal.
COURT OF JUSTICE OF THE EUROPEAN
UNION JURISDICTION AND COMMISSION ENFORCEMENT POWERS
22. Under the TFEU the CJEU will have the same
jurisdiction in relation to all AFSJ (Title V) measures as it
does for any other measure. This however is subject to a 5-year
transitional provisionby virtue of Article 10 of Protocol
36which expires on 30 November 2014. Until then, the powers
of the CJEU in relation to Third Pillar measures adopted before
the coming into force of the Treaty of Lisbon remain as under
the former TEU, that is, so far as concerns the UK, it has no
jurisdiction to make preliminary rulings. Article 10 also provides
that the Commission cannot initiate infringement proceedings (under
Article 258 TFEU) in relation to those measures.
POST-LISBON POLICE AND CRIMINAL
JUSTICE MEASURES
23. The CJEU's jurisdiction and the Commission's
enforcement powers have, however, automatically applied to new
or amending PCJ measures, which have been adopted since the entry
into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. To date the Government have
opted into the majority of these PCJ measuresmany of which
replace pre-Lisbon Third Pillar measures.
The origins of Protocol 36
24. The circumstances surrounding the negotiation
and agreement of Article 10, Protocol 36, as part of the Treaty
of Lisbon remain obscure. What is clear is that the previous Government
negotiated its inclusion in the draft Treaty of Lisbon during
the second half of 2007[15]
and that it was agreed by the other Member States.[16]
25. Following the rejection of the Constitutional
Treaty by French and Dutch voters in referendums in 2005, the
Member States negotiated the Treaty of Lisbon which, in contrast
to the Constitutional Treaty, consisted of a series of amendments
to the existing EU Treaties. Ahead of the June 2007 European Council,
which was to agree to convene an Intergovernmental Conference
to negotiate a new Treaty, the Government set out four conditionsits
"red lines"which any new Treaty would have to
reflect fully. These included the protection of the UK's common
law systems, and its police and judicial processes. A Command
Paper, which the Government published the following month, set
out their negotiating aims in more detail. This did not mention
securing a block opt-out option as a negotiating objective.[17]
The Treaty was concluded under the Portuguese EU Presidency in
Lisbon on 19 October 2007 by the Member States meeting as an Inter-governmental
Conference. It was in the final stages of this meeting that agreement
was reached for the UK to have the option of exercising a block
opt-out from the pre-Lisbon PCJ measures.
26. At the time the Treaty of Lisbon was agreed
there appeared to be an expectation that many of the PCJ measures
subject to the opt-out decision would be replaced by post-Lisbon
PCJ measures. Hugo Brady, from the Centre for European Reform
(CER), noted this and referred to the negotiation of the opt-out
as an "insurance policy" for the UK in this respect.[18]
A Declaration was annexed to the Treaty of Lisbon, inviting the
European Parliament, Council and Commission "to seek to adopt,
in appropriate cases and as far as possible within the five-year
period referred to in Article 10(3) of the Protocol on transitional
provisions, legal acts amending or replacing" the police
and criminal justice measures.[19]
27. In our report on the Treaty of Lisbon, we
also anticipated that this would be the case, saying that
"We would expect the Commission to introduce
measures to convert some of the more significant Title VI instruments,
such as the European Arrest Warrant, soon after the Treaty of
Lisbon enters into force
It seems unlikely that the Commission
will seek to convert all Title VI measures. We urge the Government
to liaise closely with the Commission to ensure that measures
which require redrafting or renegotiating are the subject of amendment
measures before the end of the transitional period".[20]
28. The Minister for Immigration, Mark Harper MP,
told us "Arguably, the way the previous Government negotiated
that arrangement is not the best way, where we have to opt out
of everything in order to opt back into the things we want to
opt back into. A more sensible arrangement might have been to
allow us to opt out of the things that we did not want to be in,
but that is the way that it is set up".[21]
The Lord Chancellor[22]
echoed this point, saying that "it would have been much easier
and much more straightforward if we had been able to deal with
one issue at a time".[23]
29. Articles 10 (4) and (5) of Protocol 36 only
apply to the UK. Ireland did not seek to have the option of opting
out of the pre-Lisbon PCJ measures. Dr Gavin Barrett, an
expert in JHA matters from University College Dublin, told us
that the greater role that the Treaty of Lisbon envisaged for
the CJEU and for the Commission regarding the former Third Pillar
"did not sound the same alarm bells in Ireland, either politically
or officially, that it might have in the UK. The prospect of the
involvement of both institutions has been regarded with some equanimity
in Ireland".[24]
Hugo Brady suggested that Ireland had not signed up to the opt-out
in order to avoid the risk of uncertainty.[25]
Denmark has its own Protocol to the Treaties, which governs its
relationship with the EU in this area.[26]
We discuss this further in Chapter 5.
A decision for the UK alone
30. None of our witnesses disputed the UK's right
to exercise the opt-out. Jean-Claude Piris, the former Director
General of the Council Legal Service,[27]
emphasised that the decision was entirely at the discretion of
the UK Government, without any need for the consent or consultation
of the other Member States or the Commission.[28]
The Government were also clear that the "UK would be exercising
a Treaty right if we choose to opt out and seek to rejoin certain
measures. The EU institutions and its Member States are all bound
to respect the obligations and choices that flow from the Treaties".[29]
31. In the event that the Government were to
choose not to exercise the block opt-out, and then seek to rejoin
particular measures that would become subject to Commission infringement
procedures and the CJEU's jurisdiction, it is the Government's
view, with which we concur, that this would not require a referendum
under the European Union Act 2011.[30]
32. It is clear that it is the right of the
United Kingdom to exercise the opt-out decision under Article
10, Protocol 36 to the Treaty of Lisbon. This right was recognised
by the other Member States when they chose to ratify the Treaty
of Lisbon.
5 TREVIstandsforTerrorisme,Radicalisme,ExtrémismeetViolenceInternationalebutthenamederivedfromitsfirstmeetinginRome,whichtookplaceclosetotheTreviFountain. Back
6
Germany,France,Belgium,LuxembourgandtheNetherlands Back
7
Itnowincludes26Europeancountries,includingalloftheEUMemberStates,excepttheUKandIreland,andfournon-EUcountries:Iceland,Liechtenstein,NorwayandSwitzerland.Bulgaria,RomaniaandCyprushaveyettobeadmittedasfullmembersoftheSchengenArea. Back
8
Protocol(No21)onthepositionoftheUnited KingdomandIrelandin
respect of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice Back
9
Underunanimity,allMemberStatescoveredbythemeasuremustbeinagreementbeforeaproposalcanbeadopted.Abstentiondoesnotpreventagreementbeingreached. Back
10
Protocol(No19)ontheSchengenacquisintegratedintotheframeworkoftheEuropeanUnion Back
11
CouncilDecision2000/365/ECof29May2000concerningtherequestoftheUnited
KingdomofGreatBritainandNorthernIrelandtotakepartinsomeoftheprovisionsoftheSchengenacquis(OJL131,1June2000,p.43)andCouncilDecision2004/926/ECof22December2004ontheputtingintoeffectofpartsoftheSchengenacquisbytheUnited
KingdomofGreatBritainandNorthernIreland(OJL395,31December2004,p.70) Back
12
UndertheOrdinaryLegislativeProcedure,boththeEuropeanParliamentandtheCouncilmustbeinagreementbeforeaproposalcanbeadopted. Back
13
Article87(3)TFEU Back
14
Article86(1)TFEU Back
15
GordonBrownMPbecamePrimeMinisteratthebeginningoftheperiodinquestion,on27June2007,andJacquiSmithMP
wasappointedHomeSecretaryonthefollowingday. Back
16
DuringitsratificationbytheUKParliamentin2008,bywayoftheEuropeanUnion(Amendment)Bill,Protocol36attractednosubstantivediscussionintheHouseofLords.IntheHouseofCommonsthethenShadowChiefSecretarytotheTreasuryintroducedanamendmentattheCommitteeStage,on29January2008,whichwouldhaverequiredtheGovernmenttonotifytheCounciloftheirdecisiontoopt-outbeforetheexpiryofthetransitionalperiod.Thisamendmentwasultimatelywithdrawn. Back
17
FCO,TheReformTreaty:TheBritishApproachtotheEuropeanUnionIntergovernmentalConference,July2007,Cm7174 Back
18
Q127 Back
19
DeclarationNo.50 concerning Article 10 of the Protocol on
transitional provisions,TFEU Back
20
EUCommittee,TheTreatyofLisbon:animpactassessment(10thReportofSession2007-08,HLPaper62),paragraphs6.323and6.324 Back
21
Q269,oralevidencesessionontheEU'sGlobalApproachtoMigrationandMobility(GAMM),31October2012 Back
22
Theminister'sfulltitleisLordChancellorandSecretaryofStateforJustice.Forreasonsofbrevitywereferto'theLordChancellor'throughoutthereport. Back
23
Q306 Back
24
Q249 Back
25
Q131 Back
26
Protocol(No22)onthepositionofDenmark Back
27
InthiscapacityJean-ClaudePiriswasLegalCounseltotheEuropeanCouncilandtheCouncilofMinisters. Back
28
Jean-ClaudePiris Back
29
UKGovernment.AlsoseeQ300(HomeSecretary) Back
30
See HLDeb15October2012col1309 Back
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