Chapter 5: Responding to victims and survivors
193.The need to respond to victims and survivors of sexual violence in conflict was raised consistently by witnesses. We met privately with three Yazidi women who had escaped from Daesh captivity in Iraq and Ms Polline Akello, a former child solider from Uganda and survivor of sexual violence in conflict (summaries of these meetings can be found in Chapter 8). In addition to receiving written evidence from organisations that worked with victims and survivors, we also spoke with local groups and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) ( Appendix 6 for a summary of the visit to the DRC and Rwanda). This Chapter considers: prioritising the needs of the victim and survivor; vulnerability to further harms; humanitarian crises; the role of local organisations; and UK domestic policies.
Prioritising the needs of the victim and survivor
194.The different manifestations of sexual violence inflicted on individuals and communities were highlighted in Chapter 1 ( paragraph 13). Speaking of the atrocities currently occurring in Iraq, AMAR International Charitable Foundation said: “… Daesh still hold at least 3,500 young women and girls as sex slaves. They were kidnapped, raped, beaten and sold like cattle. Their tales are, without exception, terrifying”.280
A comprehensive and survivor-focused approach
195.There was consensus that the needs of victims and survivors are multi-dimensional. A wide range of needs were identified and ranged from the immediate (such as medical care), to the longer-term (such as psycho-social support) ( Box 1 for examples). Broadly speaking, these included access to: medical health care; psycho-social support; security; economic and livelihood support; education; and justice. The need to access justice is covered more extensively in paragraphs 204–213 below.
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Medical health care: “Clinical services are an essential—yet frequently overlooked—component of a comprehensive response to addressing sexual violence in conflict. Critical medical services include the treatment of injuries, emergency contraception, prevention and treatment of STIs [sexually transmitted infections] including HIV, and access to safe abortion.” 281 Maternal health: Women who become pregnant as a result of rape will require access to maternal health services. However, in conflict-affected areas these services are generally lacking. According to the World Health Organisation “the breakdown of health systems can cause a dramatic rise in deaths due to complications that would be easily treatable under stable conditions”. Accordingly, maternal mortality-rates in conflict-effected countries are among the highest.282 Psycho-social support: “Identifying the psycho-social needs of survivors is clearly essential. It is time critical. Its function is to provide immediate relief and on-going support. It helps governments determine what is needed, where and when and how best to deliver it. It helps build the foundations from which reconciliation between conflicted societies can begin in that it helps ameliorate ongoing ‘hate’ drivers.”283 Security: “SVC [sexual violence in conflict] victims often fear for their security, especially in an instable post-conflict context where state structures are not in place.”284 Economic and livelihood support: “… livelihood support is important. We find that once you equip a survivor with skills, they can provide for their family and take back some of the power that they feel they have lost. That is very important. It is not the only thing, but it is part of the healing process”.285 Education: Ms Polline Akello, a former child soldier, told us that when she returned from the bush the only support she was given was a mattress and a blanket. She said that education was the best kind of support as it provides the “building blocks” of life.286 Justice: “… the provision of high-quality, free legal aid to victims of sexual violence is extremely important in order for them to exercise their rights to an effective remedy and access to justice”.287 |
196.It was widely agreed that an approach which encompassed all aspects of survivors’ needs was crucial to the recovery process for both individuals and wider society.288 REDRESS said:
“The consequences of SVC on victims, their families and communities are wide-ranging. SVC affects victims’ physical and psychological well-being and also impacts on their economic status and their standing in society. As a result, victims have multiple needs, ranging from the need for medical treatment and counselling to vocational training and/or income-generating measures.”
197.Dr Emilie Medeiros, a clinical psychologist, agreed, saying that addressing these issues was vital to “sustainable peace and security”. She said issues such as justice, reconciliation, and reintegration would be difficult to achieve “if sexual violence abuses are not addressed”.289
198.In the DRC ( Appendix 6), the Committee visited Heal Africa, a hospital and peacebuilding organisation offering support to victims of conflict in eastern DRC. Beyond the traditional function of health centres, Heal Africa ran many programmes to address the causes and longer-term social impacts of conflict. It adopted an integrated approach, including both emergency response teams and programmes for helping communities recover from conflicts. Its programmes included: medical and surgical, and psycho-social care; basic economic support; legal assistance; and micro-credit and training in income-generating activities for communities. Similar to the approach adopted by Heal Africa, World Vision UK said that the needs of survivors should “not be n in siloes”, but rather, addressed comprehensively.290
199.There was also consensus on the importance of responses being ‘survivor focused’ and based on the rights of survivors. This approach acknowledged that victims and survivors were not a homogenous group.291 Women for Women International UK said: “Whilst there are some commonalities, contexts differ and survivors are individuals.”292
200.Survivors Speak OUT said: “A survivor-centred approach will best reflect the needs of those the PSVI [Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative] is trying to help, as survivors are the only ones who truly know what is best for them.”293 Support for a survivor focused approach is consistent with our view on the importance of respecting the individual human rights set out in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent treaties.294
201.What happens to someone after they have been sexually attacked affects the rest of their life. The journey to recovery is complex and depends greatly on the individual victim and survivor’s situation and needs. The immediate and long-term needs of victims and survivors of conflict-related sexual violence are life changing. We therefore urge that all aspects of survivors’ needs must be addressed.
202.Safe and hygienic hospital examination and treatment is essential after any form of sexual violence has taken place.
203.Since rape and all other forms of sexual violence fracture personalities as well as bodies, learning frameworks should be encouraged to help reconstruct the lives of victims. An educational environment gives purpose, structure and hope; hence our recommendation that all victims, adults as well as children, should be drawn into a positive and gender-sensitive educational process.
204.The PSVI prioritised accountability and ending impunity for perpetrators. Access to justice was often cited as an important requirement for the recovery process. The broader issue of ensuring accountability and justice, including reparations for survivors, is covered more fully in the next Chapter.
205.We heard that providing proper access to justice for victims and survivors was an important step in ending impunity and increasing accountability.295 Amnesty International UK said that the “denial of access to justice continues to silence victims and survivors”.296 We were told that victims and survivors often experienced a number of barriers in accessing justice. This was especially the case for women. Ms Pramila Patten said that barriers experienced by women existed after a conflict as well as before one.297 Dr Chris Dolan, Director of the Refugee Law Project in Uganda, highlighted barriers that faced men and boys. For example, he said that around 70 countries did not recognise male victims.298 Chapter 6 goes into further detail on the barriers facing men ( paragraph 351).
206.The Department for International Development (DfID) described barriers to justice in terms of ‘supply’ and ‘demand’. Supply-side barriers included: a lack of political will from political leaders and senior security and justice (S&J) officials; biased or limited legal, policy and reparation frameworks; the perpetration of such crimes by S&J personnel; and in conflict settings in particular, the possible absence of formal S&J institutions, whether through limited physical or financial accessibility, capacity, resources and equipment, as well as endemic corruption.299 Demand-side barriers experienced by women included social norms which condoned or tolerated sexual violence against women, emphasised male dominance and family honour, and supported impunity. Furthermore, there was a lack of awareness of women’s rights, relevant laws and the S&J services available to them, as well as how to navigate these services.300
207.We also heard about the legal, social, economic and cultural barriers faced by women during our visit to the DRC ( Appendix 6). For example, when we met Mr Alexis Thambwe Mwamba, DRC Minister of Justice, he highlighted the particular difficulties women faced in rural areas because of entrenched social norms. Instead of the women bringing cases themselves, most cases were brought to court by NGOs. He suggested that the reason for women rarely bringing the cases themselves was in part because they had to pay to bring a case.
208.Recognising the increased difficulties faced by women, in July 2015 the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women’s (CEDAW) Committee adopted General Recommendation No. 33 on women’s access to justice.301 In its recommendation, CEDAW observed that there were “a number of obstacles and restrictions” that impeded women from realising the right of access to justice. It stressed that these obstacles constituted “persistent violations” of women’s human rights.302
209.However, several witnesses qualified the prominence of justice in responding to the needs of victims and survivors. The Gender and Development Network said that accountability was “but one part of a holistic, survivor-centred” approach.303 When asked what the most important needs of survivors were, Dr Dolan said: “[T]here is a quite clear sequence of need”. He started with medical care, followed by psychological support.304 Professor Doris Schopper went further, and said that if medical care was not available for victims “you should not make interventions in a community”.305 Although Dr Dolan was talking primarily about male victims, we believe this sequencing applies to all victims and survivors, regardless of gender. Survivors will not be able to engage fully with the justice process if their immediate medical and psychological needs have not been addressed.
210.REDRESS noted that victims and survivors often had a strong interest in engaging in the prosecution of alleged perpetrators or king reparations.306 However, it said that certain pre-conditions were necessary “to enable them to participate meaningfully”. Referencing interviews it had conducted with victims in Uganda, Kenya and the DRC, it found that many had received limited education, lived in remote areas away from court and were in financially precarious situations. Judicial processes are often complex and resource intensive. REDRESS said that to overcome these hurdles, victims and survivors who wanted to engage needed all-encompassing support “before, during and after”.307
211.The issue of informed consent was also raised. Victims and survivors must be aware of the options available to them. Dr Shana Swiss, founder and Director of Women’s Rights International, started with the question: “What is justice?”308 She concluded that it was important to “constantly and continually be in discussion” about “what justice is, what it would look like, what it would mean and what needs to happen in order for them [the victim and survivor] to feel that justice has occurred”.309 Not only do victims and survivors need to be aware of the options available to them they also need to be aware of the limitations of justice.
212.The International Rescue Committee UK highlighted the principle of ‘do no harm’. It said that, when approaching victims and survivors to participate in investigation, monitoring and evidence-gathering procedures, information should be made available about the possible consequences and “potential harm their participation may bring”.310 For example, the pursuit of justice could result in retaliation from armed people, community and family members and/or members of other communities or groups.311
213.Justice for victims and survivors is a human right as well as a moral imperative. At present, too many people face barriers in king justice and women face additional obstacles due to their gender. These barriers prevent perpetrators—including those in positions of power and authority—from being held accountable and perpetuate the cycle of impunity. Accessing justice is, however, only one of a wide range of needs that must be addressed. For victims to make an informed decision as to whether to engage with the justice process, these other needs—such as medical and psychological care, and security (both physical and financial)—must also be addressed.
214.Access to abortion services was raised as an important requirement for women and girls who had become pregnant as a result of war rape. Abortion is illegal in a number of conflict-affected countries. We were told that, as a result, victims of war rape might have illegal or unsafe abortions. These operations endanger lives and put women at risk of further harms such as re-traumatisation.312 Ms Rosy Cave, Head of the Conflict and Stabilisation Team in DfID, said that in Iraq “there are concerns about the number of illegal abortions that might be happening and the health of those individuals”.313 Additionally, we heard how the children of rape victims were often stigmatised and stateless,314 and “frequently cast out from or marginalised within their communities”.315 Those who raised the issue agreed that women and girls who became pregnant due to war rape must have access to safe abortion services.316
215.There is some disparity in the international community’s approach to this issue. The UK’s policy permits the provision of abortion services in line with the principles of international humanitarian law (IHL). This is set out in DfID’s June 2014 policy paper, Safe and unsafe abortion: The UK’s policy position on safe and unsafe abortion in developing countries.317 This approach is consistent with United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2122, which notes the need for access to comprehensive sexual and reproductive health services for women affected by armed conflict and post-conflict situations.318
216.In the US, however, the 1973 ‘Helms Amendment’ prevents US overseas aid being given to organisations that provide abortion services, including for women and girls raped during a conflict.319 The wording of the amendment states that no foreign assistance funds may be used to pay for the performance of abortion “as a method of family planning”. This term has not been defined, but it might imply that it excludes cases of rape or life endangerment.320 Consequently, there have been calls for the US to interpret the language differently and to overturn this policy.321 The EU’s 2016 budget was described as including the first ever ‘anti-Helms Amendment’, requiring that EU humanitarian aid be provided “in accordance with international humanitarian law”, and without “discrimination or adverse distinction”.322 In a reference to the Helms Amendment, the budget mandates that EU funds should “not be subject to restrictions imposed by other partner donors”.323 Furthermore, in its report on the upcoming World Humanitarian Summit (WHS), the European Parliament urged “that women and girls have access to the full range of sexual and reproductive health services, including safe abortions”,324 a similar view that was supported by Global Justice Center.325
217.Women and girls who are victims of war rape should have access to safe abortion services. We support the approach that has been adopted in this respect by the UK and the EU. We believe the current enforcement of the Helms Amendment by the US administration is contrary to international human rights law (IHRL) and undermines the protections of international humanitarian law (IHL). Where women who are victims of war rape have borne children as a result of that rape, we believe they should be able to access maternity services and receive continued financial and other support from their respective state.
218.A number of witnesses and submissions commented on the need for tailored responses to address the specific needs of individual groups. One such group was men and boys.
219.Some of our witnesses stressed that male victims were omitted from the mainstream narrative on wartime sexual violence. This meant that policy responses ignored, neglected, or were not equipped to deal with the specific needs of male survivors. Dr Michael Korzinski, a psychologist and psycho-social expert, for example, referenced a study which found that of the more than 4,000 NGOs around the world that addressed the issue of wartime sexual violence, only 3% mentioned males in their informational materials.326
220.A consequence of this was that male victims and survivors did not necessarily have the same access as women and girls to necessary services. DfID told us that the services put in place by its partners did not discriminate against men and boys if they suffered from sexual violence.327 However, the Refugee Law Project said that even if men and boys did come forward to k assistance, they were “typically denied access to services”. It therefore advocated further revision of policy documents and gender policies along with the need to develop guidance on how to “recognise, respond and prevent SGBV [sexual and gender-based violence]” against men and boys.328
221.On the situation in Syria, the Government said research from human rights organisations stated that, for every violation committed by Daesh, the Assad regime had committed seven.329 In its February 2016 report examining deaths in detention centres in Syria, the UN Human Rights Council found the Syrian government, anti-government armed groups and Daesh to be in violation of international humanitarian and human rights law. The report said that “the [Syrian] government has committed the crimes against humanity of extermination, murder, rape or other forms of sexual violence, torture, imprisonment, enforced disappearance and other inhuman acts”.330 It estimated that the number of people tortured was in the hundreds of thousands, a high number of which were likely to involve sexual abuse. The Government said that the abuse against men was predominantly committed in detention centres. It added that cultural sensitivities meant it was likely that the volume of cases was underreported.331
222.The scale of sexual violence being committed in Syria, and the fact that it is known that men as well as women are being targeted, has implications for responding to the victims of these abuses. Professor Schopper said studies had shown that during and after conflict the increase in domestic violence was more significant than the sexual violence perpetrated by armed people.332 This was supported by other evidence, which said that the consequences of wartime rape manifested themselves in the long term and were trans-generational. Medica Mondiale’s study on the long-term consequences of war rape and coping strategies of survivors in Bosnia and Herzegovina gave examples of this effect.333 It is therefore particularly necessary to support male, as well as female victims of sexual violence in Syria to try to mitigate its long-term, cross-generational consequences.
223.The ongoing conflict in Syria and Iraq makes it very difficult to respond to survivors of sexual violence in that conflict, although local organisations are doing their utmost, often in the absence of any other interventions. What needs to happen now is for a strategy to be prepared that aims to meet the needs of the men, women and children who have been subjected to this abuse. This strategy needs to be put into effect at the earliest opportunity. The Government should press for this in international fora.
224.As with male victims and survivors, children were highlighted as a distinct group that required tailored responses. The experiences of children who suffer sexual violence are different to those of adults. Dr Dolan explained that children have much less developed social and sexual identities and are not yet playing key social roles, such as being in a relationship with a partner. He said while children would have “specific needs”, these were not yet well understood.334
225.The approach of grouping ‘women’ with ‘girls’ and ‘men’ with ‘boys’ was criticised. Furthering his earlier point, Dr Dolan said that it was wrong to treat adults and children as if they were homogenous groups. He said this was because the “cut-off point[s]” between boy and man, or girl and woman, were different in different cultures. As a result, he said responses needed to start from an understanding of where this “cut-off point” was and look at the specific needs that related to the different accompanying identities and stages of development.335 The submission from War Child UK agreed.336
226.The UK has distinct international obligations in relation to the specific needs and rights of children. The UK is a state party to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.337 The Convention recognises the human rights of children (defined as persons up to the age of 18 years). It establishes in international law that states parties must ensure that all children—without discrimination in any form—benefit from special protection measures and assistance. As of 2016, 194 countries338 had become states parties to the Convention.339 There are specific provisions within the Convention that relate to protecting children from sexual exploitation and abuse340 and armed conflict.341 In relation to conflict, Article 38(4) states that in accordance with their obligations under international humanitarian law (IHL) to protect the civilian population in armed conflicts, states parties shall take “all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by an armed conflict”.342
227.The PSVI must ensure that policy and programmatic work responds in particular to the needs and experience of child victims of sexual violence in conflict. As part of the strategic plan for the PSVI that we are recommending, children’s best interests should be prioritised. The PSVI must ensure that it respects the provisions of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, of which the UK was a sponsor and founding signatory.
228.Victims of sexual violence in conflict, especially rape victims, include adult males as well as females and children. This has so far been inadequately acknowledged in post-conflict solutions. There is an acute need for the same kind of public advocacy and recognition, as well as tailored responses to the needs of men and boys.
229.On the situation in Syria, we recommend the Government pursues, in conjunction with the UN and the International Syrian Support Group, a plan to respond to those who have suffered sexual violence during the conflict. This strategy needs to deal with the repercussions of sexual violence against women, men and children. Its purpose should be threefold: to address the immediate medical and psychological needs of survivors; counter the stigma associated with such crimes; and mitigate against the long-term, cross-generational effects.
Stigma
230.The damaging effects of stigma were raised regularly. We were told that stigma acted to prevent victims and survivors from accessing the post-trauma support and services343 and as an additional barrier to justice. Stigma can also play a central role in making victims vulnerable to further harms, which we discuss further in paragraphs 257–272 below.
231.The stigma experienced by victims and survivors means that crimes are often left unreported—for example due to fear of reprisals—and perpetuates a cycle of silence and denial, as well as the culture of impunity.344 World Vision UK said:
“The stigma faced by survivors has a profound impact on their lives and helps to perpetuate impunity. The very real threat and damaging impact of stigma, often described as more devastating than the violence itself, discourages survivors from reporting their cases. This has a knock-on effect on understanding of the true scale of the problem. Effective monitoring and reporting of conflict-related sexual violence will be achieved only by tackling stigma that so often prevents survivors from coming forward.”345
232.A number of other effects were highlighted. Ms Patten said that women and girls might not return to their communities at the end of a conflict because of their fear of rejection; meaning many remain with the rebel or militia ‘husband’ who abducted and often raped them.346 As noted by Professor Schopper earlier, stigma can result in an increase in domestic and intimate violence.347 A recent example of the stigma victims can face is highlighted in Box 2 below.
Box 2: Stigma experienced by women freed from Boko Haram
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Women and girls recently freed from Boko Haram in Nigeria have faced discrimination and stigma upon returning to their families and communities. A number of reports have highlighted how instead of being admired for their bravery, many victims of Boko Haram have become outcasts in their communities. They have been stigmatised due to their perceived association with Boko Haram.348 For example, those who became pregnant after being raped by their captors have been shamed and are now accused of “spawning or king to spawn future Boko Haram fighters”. Although there are no exact figures, the government of Nigeria has said that “an alarming” percentage of kidnapped girls who returned from Boko Haram are pregnant.349 Some of our evidence highlighted that the government was exacerbating this stigma. For example, Open Doors UK & Ireland said: “In Nigeria, the governor of Borno State, Kashim Shettima, has publicly warned that these pregnant women and girls could breed a new generation of terrorists: ‘They [the unborn children] could indeed inherit their father’s ideology somehow,’ Shettima has told government officials. He is now advocating for a special mentoring program for these mothers-to-be to ensure they do not give birth to ‘future insurgents’.”350 |
233.Specific groups can experience additional stigma. In particular, our evidence highlighted the vulnerability of male and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) victims and survivors. This was mainly associated with negative social norms, perceptions and attitudes about masculinity and homosexuality.
234.In the case of men, Dr Korzinski said that perpetrators would attack men to achieve “emasculation/feminization, homosexualization, and prevention of procreation”.351 The Refugee Law Project said that male victims were silenced by “deeply entrenched cultural assumptions about male invulnerability”,352 in addition to being met with disbelief and outright rejection by service providers when they did k assistance. It argued that if male survivors did come forward they were typically denied access to services, accused of homosexuality, and might be rejected and ostracised by their communities and families.353 This was especially the case in countries where homosexuality is criminalised. Countries where homosexuality is illegal include (but are not limited to), Iraq, Liberia, South Sudan, Sri Lanka and Syria. Consequently, it was said that this additional stigma made reporting and tailored programming even more difficult.354
235.The pre-existing discrimination faced by LGBTI persons means they can face heightened threats of sexual violence in conflict. Professor Lisa Davis said that there had been “epidemic levels” of sexual violence and murder committed against LGBTI persons in the Daesh conflict.355 This was supported by Human Rights Watch, which highlighted such threats and occurrences in Iraq and Syria.356 A recent Arria-formula meeting357 of the UN Security Council also highlighted the particular threats against LGBTI individuals in conflict settings.358
236.Addressing stigma was therefore regarded as crucial to enabling victims and survivors to speak up and rebuild their lives. A variety of strategies to combat stigma were suggested.
237.There was consensus about the importance of altering the attitudes of the community, primarily through educating families and communities so that blame was not apportioned to the victim or survivor.359 This often involved tackling negative social norms and attitudes held by communities.360 For example, we were told that fighting stigma in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the last 20 years had been done through campaigns urging the public to ‘accept’ survivors of sexual violence and them as heroes, rather than victims.361 DfID identified the funding of grassroots civil society organisations as an effective way to produce “an enduring and positive change” and challenge “institutional and social norms”.362 Working with and supporting the media, including through the use of mobile technologies, was also suggested as a way to raise community awareness about gender equality and sexual violence.363
238.Others, meanwhile, highlighted the important function and considerable influence of religious leaders and institutions in addressing “misconceptions” about victims and victim blaming.364 On the final day of our visit to the DRC, we visited a project run by the Christian relief and development agency, Tearfund, in Kibumba village. Tearfund’s work in the DRC focused on mobilising faith groups within the country, working through the Anglican Church of Congo to take “a faith-led approach in implementing prevention measures to SV [sexual violence]”.365 Kibumba village was just one of a number of communities across the DRC where this project was being implemented, and engaged with the whole community, rather than just being targeted at victims and survivors of sexual violence. We were told that the project was designed in this way to prevent creating additional stigma for victims and survivors who might otherwise be singled out. More detail of Tearfund’s work in the DRC can be found in Appendix 6.
239.Acknowledging the existence of male survivors was described as an important way to help address the stigma men and boys faced. The Refugee Law Project said that the PSVI could accomplish much in this regard by supporting organisations and/or associations that undertook outreach mechanisms (such as community sessions or radio shows) “that sensitise communities regarding the existence of male survivors”.366 Dr Dolan said that an additional remedy his organisation used was the systematic screening of all refugees who attended its clinics; everybody who attended was asked standard questions about experiences of sexual violence.367
240.Support groups can also help tackle stigma. Ms Josephine Wambui, Programme Officer Somalia at Oxfam Novib, and Dr Dolan both agreed that support groups were important in this regard, albeit for different reasons. Ms Wambui highlighted how support groups could assist with raising awareness and sharing the message in the community about the impact of sexual violence and the fact that “it could happen to anyone”. Moreover, she said such groups were not only important at the national level or in urban areas, but also in rural areas where stigma was greater.368
241.Dr Dolan explained that while support groups were significant, it was equally important not to have support groups just for survivors, but for a range of different issues. He said that this created a microclimate “in which a larger number of people become aware of issues of discrimination, marginalisation and so on”.369 The result of raising awareness of the different issues amongst different groups meant a change began to occur. Dr Dolan said that male survivors, for example, would initially try to meet in darkness but that “[t]hese days they go on national television.”370
242.We also heard how empowering victims and survivors to speak for themselves and share their stories could help tackle stigma. Discussing the further benefits of support groups, Dr Dolan said that these were able to create platforms for victims and survivors to speak for themselves, which was also “incredibly mobilising for all sorts of people”, especially as the issue is no longer “pushed under the carpet”. He noted that there were many different modalities to achieve this, such as screening short documentaries by survivors themselves.371 Ms Wambui highlighted the important role of the media in tackling stigma, but noted that journalists might also require protection.372
243.In highlighting some of the successes of the PSVI in tackling stigma, Ms Angelina Jolie Pitt commented:
“In very human terms, we have n that many of the victims have now come out of the shadows. That cannot be quantified, but people around the world who have gone through these things now feel that they can speak out, that this is being discussed, that if they speak it is worthy of their time, efforts, pain and tears. They will be heard and they can feel that things are moving and that there is some momentum. Each individual feels less stigmatised.”373
244.Regardless of approach, the evidence stressed that efforts to address stigma were long-term endeavours. ABColombia said that attitudinal change was a long-term process, not least because the attitudes and cultural beliefs driving sexual violence were also present in domestic life.374 Dr Medeiros said that longer-term funding cycles and projects were key, with addressing issues of stigma requiring “continuous investment and support”.375
245. Dr Dolan also raised the question of training when tackling stigma, particularly the “stigmatising assumptions” service providers might bring when encountering a victim or survivor. For example, he said that in Uganda the body on the police form on which you marked where the sexual violence had taken place was female.376
246.The stigma that follows sexual violence in conflict is one of the biggest challenges that victims and societies face. Stigma continues to damage victims and survivors of sexual violence and can form a barrier which prevents them from accessing the support they need to recover and reintegrate into society.
247.Certain groups such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) persons are vulnerable to sexual violence in conflict and face additional stigma due to pre-existing negative social norms and attitudes.
248.There are a variety of ways in which stigma can be addressed, ranging from educating families and communities, to encouraging the use of support groups. Where possible, survivors should be encouraged to communicate their stories to wider society to help raise awareness, while ensuring their security is not compromised.
249.Addressing stigma is a long-term endeavour that requires ongoing support and commitment from the Government. However, the UK cannot tackle the issue of stigma alone.
Evidence gaps
250.In Chapter 3 we highlighted the lack of evidence and data on sexual violence ( paragraphs 111–121). This was also the case in the context of responding to the needs of victims and survivors, where it was generally agreed that more research into the area was required in order to provide suitable responses.377
251.As has already been referenced under the specific needs of male and child victims ( paragraphs 218–229), attention was drawn to particular gaps in knowledge, such as for specific groups like ethnic or religious minorities.378 The Overseas Development Institute highlighted vulnerable groups such as people with disabilities or those living in remote areas, and the lack of understanding with regard to the range of “formal and informal coping repertories” that victims had access to.379 Dr Ingrid Elliott said that responses needed to “consider and adapt” to differences between victims, including children and LGBTI persons, but that further research was required to find the appropriate and attuned responses.380
252.There was limited comment or evidence as to the effectiveness of the Government’s support, assistance and reparation for survivors. The International Rescue Committee UK said that DfID was “particularly effective in supporting and assisting survivors of GBV [gender-based violence]”.381 By contrast, Widows for Peace through Democracy commented: “Evidence is weak on the effectiveness of the Government’s support, assistance and reparation for survivors of sexual violence in conflict.”382
253.At present there is a paucity of evidence on the effectiveness of the support accessible by and provided to victims and survivors of sexual violence in conflict, including that which is provided by the Government.
254.While recognising that the effects of sexual violence will differ for all individuals, there are particular gaps in knowledge surrounding specific groups and how they are differently affected by sexual violence, such as children, LGBTI persons, men, people with disabilities and ethnic minorities. More work is required to identify what the specific needs of different groups are and the best way to respond to them.
255.The Government should commission research into how effectively its policies and responses are meeting the needs of victims and survivors of sexual violence in conflict, as well as acting to counter stigma. This research should include evaluating how effectively policies and responses are meeting the needs of specific groups, such as men, children and LGBTI persons.
256.We further recommend that the Government includes an independent evaluation of the support delivered to survivors by the PSVI and DfID in the annual report to Parliament that we have recommended. This should include significant input from local organisations, NGOs and activists. The evaluation should also consider the extent to which the support delivered to survivors is targeted at the needs of particular groups, such as men, children and LGBTI persons.
Vulnerability to further harms
257.Victims and survivors of sexual violence in conflict can become vulnerable to further harms. Our evidence suggested three main causes of this: the effects of stigma; the dangers facing asylum kers, refugees383 and internally displaced persons (IDPs);384 and the targeting of specific groups. Examples of further harms include forced marriage, child marriage, honour killings,385 female genital mutilation (FGM), survival sex,386 trafficking and prostitution.
258.We heard how stigma brought with it additional risks and vulnerabilities. The Overseas Development Institute said: “[I]t is crucial to understand that stigma, especially against sexual violence households, can play a central role in making them [victims] ‘fair game’ for more crime and harm”.387 The Overseas Development Institute provided several possible explanations for this: victims lacked status and so no one would defend them or come to their aid; their land was vulnerable to theft because local leaders and courts would not support them or enforce rulings; and children and women were targeted because they did not have the social connections and resources to defend them.388
Asylum seekers, refugees and internally displaced persons
259.Asylum kers, refugees and IDPs who have experienced conflict-related sexual violence were identified as being vulnerable to further harms. The Refugee Law Project highlighted the scale of the problem. Screenings it carried out found that sexual violence affected on average three out of 10 refugee men, alongside six out of 10 women.389 Similar findings were reported by the Institute of Development Studies, which said that one in five female refugees or IDPs had experienced sexual violence.390
260.Dr Chaloka Beyani provided an overview as to why IDPs were vulnerable to further harms. Dr Beyani said that women, and some men, were subjected to sexual violence during and after displacement, because the original cause of displacement continued.391 He highlighted the particular insecurity and lack of safety during flight—for example, many IDPs were taken advantage of by smugglers and traffickers, or were at risk of FGM.392 The pattern continued within the IDP camps themselves as there was very often a lack of effective internal protection for IDPs, which was exacerbated by poor living conditions.393 To worsen the problem, Dr Beyani said there was no single UN agency that looked after the needs and protection of IDPs; this was done through multiple agencies, whereas once IDPs crossed an international border, there was the UN High Commissioner for Refugees as a single entity.394
261.Women and girls within IDPs camps faced a heightened risk of sexual violence. Dr Beyani said women specifically were targeted for a variety of reasons: “because of their identity, because they care for their families, or because they are enterprising in the IDP/refugee camps and they have money”. Single, female-headed households were also “easy targets” because they did not have men to protect them and lacked a voice in the camps.395
262.Ms Chitra Nagarajan, Gender and Conflict Adviser at the Nigeria Stability and Reconciliation Programme, highlighted the vulnerabilities of women and girls with disabilities. Ms Nagarajan said that IDP camps were not accessible and that little effort was made to reach out to them. She described it as a matter of “survival of the fittest”; as women and girls with disabilities had no access to food and other services, they were forced to exchange sex in return for so-called ‘help’ (this is sometimes referred to as “survival sex”).396 Dr Beyani also talked about survival sex within the camps, especially for young girls who put themselves under the protection of a man (who might then exploit the relationship).397
263.Dr Beyani suggested a several ways to mitigate these risks, which included: “preparedness”, with gender-sensitive approaches and policies in protection in the emergency phase and humanitarian early recovery; enhanced physical protection for women, both during flight and in places of displacement; secure routes of passage for IDPs; better shelter for women and secure and safer locations in camps; and ensuring that women were camp administrators, providing them with proper training and security to do this.398
264.An additional suggestion was to allow individuals or organisations in the UK to sponsor applications for IDPs and refugees. Ms Anna Musgrave, Women’s Advocacy Manager at the Refugee Council, said that often they had to make “dangerous journeys” in order to make an application. She cited how for Somalis in 1988 and 1994, a sponsor in the UK was allowed to make an application on their behalf. Ms Musgrave said her organisation would “like to that replicated”.399
Specifically targeted groups
265.Particular groups were said to be specifically targeted and susceptible to further harms. Such groups included ethnic and religious minorities. For example, Mr Dan Chugg spoke of how various ethno-religious groups in Iraq were being targeted, including Yazidis, Christians, Turkoman groups and Shabak groups. He stressed that these crimes were being perpetrated not only by Daesh, but by a variety of people.400 Although we heard that these victims were sometimes welcomed back into their communities, such as in the case of Yazidi women and girls,401 concerns were raised that they might still face additional risks after escaping, such as honour killings.402
266.Similar concerns were expressed by Dr Elliott. She acknowledged that while some communities accepted survivors back, such reintegration and protection often came “in the form of arranged marriages”. Dr Elliott said that the potential impact of this on victims of sexual violence, including of sexual slavery, should not be overlooked.403 With regard to Iraq, Ms Yanar Mohammed warned that women who had been captured by Daesh would not be safe from honour killings post-conflict. She advocated the creation of “safe zones” for women in the cities liberated from Daesh, to be supervised by NGOs “who know how to keep women in dignity and safety”.404
267.Widows were also identified as a group that were specifically targeted and faced increased risks of sexual violence. The Gender and Development Network noted that in Nepal for example, widows faced high rates of sexual violence.405 Widows for Peace through Democracy said widows were at greater risk of sexual violence not just because of ingrained societal inequalities that reduced the status of women. For example, it said that in Africa, South Asia and the Middle East widows were commonly regarded as “mere chattels, part of the estate”, so that on a husband’s death they could be “‘inherited’ by the dead man’s brother, cousin or other male relative”.406
268.Victims and survivors of sexual violence in conflict are vulnerable to further harms, ranging from honour killings, to forced and child marriage, to survival sex and being trafficked. Stigma imposed on victims of sexual violence plays a fundamental role in exacerbating the further risks they face. Asylum kers, refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) are especially vulnerable to experiencing further harms, as are specifically targeted groups, such as widows, or ethnic and religious minorities.
269.We believe there is as yet insufficient research and evidence on how to mitigate these vulnerabilities. As we noted earlier, there is a lack of data on how to address stigma and the needs of specific groups.
270.The Government should give further attention to the particular circumstances of victims of conflict-related sexual violence among those claiming asylum in the UK.
271.Unlike for refugees, the UN does not have responsibility for IDPs. We believe this to be a damaging distinction and that the Government should press for the UN to have responsibility for IDPs, as well as refugees. This could be achieved by extending the mandate of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. At the very least, we believe that given the vulnerability of individuals in IDP camps to sexual violence, the Government should encourage the UN to revisit the need for it to take responsibility for those camps.
272.We earlier recommended the need for international research on addressing the needs of victims and survivors. Such research should also examine what might be done to reintegrate victims and survivors of sexual violence—such as those who escape from violent non-state groups (VNSGs)—back into their communities. DfID’s ‘What Works to Prevent Violence Against Women and Girls’ research and innovation programme could be an effective way of filling this research gap.
Humanitarian crises
273.There is a heightened risk of sexual violence during a humanitarian crisis ( Box 3). Our evidence identified a range of weaknesses in humanitarian responses to sexual violence in conflict.407 GBV and VAWG were said to be low-priority issues in many humanitarian responses and activities. The International Rescue Committee UK noted that in two emergencies analysed, Iraq and Sierra Leone, it took twelve and five months, respectively, for GBV needs to be analysed in common humanitarian assessments and documents.408
Box 3: Examples of recent emergencies where women and girls have been exploited or abused
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274.As a consequence, the International Rescue Committee UK said donors and common funding pools did not consistently fund GBV in emergencies. For example, the 2014 Humanitarian Response plans for the Central African Republic, South Sudan and Iraq only fulfilled 5.2%, 20.9%, and 5.5%, respectively, of what was requested for GBV programmes.410 The Gender and Development Network said this limited commitment and resources had an impact on services, such as side-lining and deprioritising specialist services for survivors in order to provide what the humanitarian community considered ‘urgent’ assistance—shelter, food, water and medical care.411
275.Submissions said that VAWG and sexual violence in conflict should be prioritised and support to survivors improved. The UK should leverage its influence to achieve this. A series of recommendations for UK action were proposed. Examples included: pressing humanitarian agencies to prioritise gender equality and address VAWG in all emergency, humanitarian assistance and response plans;412 strengthening accountability mechanisms, such as requiring humanitarian leadership to include GBV analysis in all emergency assessments and response plans and to be trained on GBV risk reduction and/or specialised services prior to deployment;413 and making contributions to common funding pools contingent upon allocations to GBV programmes in compliance with the 2015 Inter-Agency Standing Committee’s Guidelines for Integrating GBV Interventions in Humanitarian Action.414
The Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies
276.Reference was made to DfID’s Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies,415 which was launched in November 2013 ( Box 4).416 DfID described the Call to Action as a complementary initiative to the PSVI that would mobilise the humanitarian community not only to address sexual violence in conflict, but also the many forms of GBV in all types of emergencies.417
Box 4: The Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies
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In November 2013, the UK Secretary of State for International Development (the Rt Hon Justine Greening MP) launched, with Sweden, the Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies. This brought together governments, UN agencies, international NGOs and civil society organisations to set an “ambitious agenda” to ensure the humanitarian system protected women and girls from violence as a priority, and provided for their unique needs.418 The event saw the endorsement of a “ground-breaking” communiqué,419 in which donors and humanitarian agencies committed to prevent violence against women and girls from the start of humanitarian emergencies.420 The communiqué also emphasised the importance of working with communities and local civil society to ensure that humanitarian responses were informed by the local context and women’s experiences.421 At the launch event, DfID announced over £20 million in new funding to help protect girls and women in emergencies.422 Other funding commitments totalling £19.7 million were made by the US, Switzerland, Japan and Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection.423 In January 2014, the US assumed leadership of the Call to Action. At a high-level event in the margins of the UN General Assembly in October 2015, US Secretary of State John Kerry launched a Road Map for the Call to Action.424 This also saw the handover of leadership of the Call to Action to Sweden.425 |
277.Several submissions described the Call to Action as a welcome step to prioritise VAWG within humanitarian and emergency responses.426 There were criticisms of the Call to Action, however, for example that more still needed to be done to ensure adequate resources and accountability mechanisms were focused on responding to VAWG at the onset of crises.427 For example, the Gender and Development Network suggested that the UK Government could “monitor and advocate to address” low levels of GBV emergency response funding and gaps in GBV coordination mechanisms.428
278.However, the criticisms of the Call to Action were made before the publication of its Road Map. At the UN General Assembly in October 2015, US Secretary of State John Kerry launched the Call to Action’s Road Map.429 The Road Map is a time-bound and measureable five-year plan which articulates “what donors and states, UN agencies, NGOs and the Red Cross/Red Crescent Movement need to do by 2020 to improve outcomes for women and girls in emergencies”.430 The Road Map includes comprehensive detail on a monitoring framework, including indicators for various outcomes. This is consistent with DfID’s ambitions, which said that it had pushed for “stronger transparency and accountability” in how Call to Action members—including the UK—implemented their commitments.431
279.We fully support the aims and objectives set out in the Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies. It is encouraging to that an operational framework, the US-developed Road Map for the Call to Action, has now also been published. The Road Map is a time-bound, measurable plan to deliver systematic change.
280.We recommend that the Road Map for the Call to Action be used by the Government as a model when formulating a forward-looking strategic plan for the PSVI as recommended earlier.
The World Humanitarian Summit
281.There was consensus that the WHS432 would be an important forum for addressing the issue of sexual violence in conflict, particularly in addressing humanitarian responses.433 CARE International UK described it as “one of the most strategic global opportunities to make progress on the PSVI agenda”.434
282.A number of proposals were put forward suggesting what action the UK should push for at the WHS. These included: ensuring that humanitarian action is gender responsive and respects the rights of victims of sexual violence in conflict under IHL;435 advancing gender equality and empowering women and girls and local women’s organisations in humanitarian action, crisis preparedness, risk reduction, resilience and recovery, including rights and leadership;436 implementing core or minimum standards and guidelines on gender equality, GBV and sexual and reproductive health and rights in emergencies;437 pressing for survivors of sexual violence and other forms of GBV to have access to essential medical and psychological care, as well as economic and social support;438 and integrating specific references to GBV in WHS outcomes on IHL and ensuring links are forged between the WHS, Call to Action and UNSCR 1325.439
283.There was some disagreement as to whether humanitarian policies should focus primarily on women and girls, or whether they should be ‘gender blind’. On the one hand, Global Justice Center said that the WHS should address the need for humanitarian aid to “meet the gender specific needs of women and girls”. It stressed that gender blind policies could have “devastating consequences on the safety and health” of women and girls—for example, food distribution sites were still set up in areas that were not easily accessible and female latrines continued to be built without locks.440
284.On the other hand, International Alert said that support and protection should be extended to men and boys, as well as members of sexual and gender minorities.441 The Refugee Law Project similarly supported a gender inclusive model of humanitarian response. It said: “[C]ivilian men and boys continue to be largely excluded from necessary medical, legal, psychosocial, and protection interventions in conflict settings”.442 We found this consistent with our earlier evidence which highlighted the particular needs of men and boys. Support aimed at women and girls, and men and boys need not be mutually exclusive. Furthermore, support may be necessary for the families of victims who have not survived.
285.DfID is the lead department for the WHS and said that the UK had four objectives for the Summit: a renewed commitment to the protection of civilians in conflict; smarter financing; a new approach to building resilience to natural hazards before they take place; and a stronger focus on protecting and empowering women and girls. The Government’s ambitions for the WHS therefore appeared to be aligned with proposals put forward by others—for example, by pushing for a “bold commitment to gender equality and the expansion of the Call to Action” and ensuring that women and girls and gender are integrated into other thematic areas of the WHS.443
286.However, there appears to be a missed opportunity in the Government’s approach to the WHS. As mentioned earlier, the PSVI played a crucial role in bringing attention to the fact that men and boys are also victims. But in discussing the WHS, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) stressed that it was supporting DfID in using the WHS as an opportunity to ensure women and girls were “front and centre of all humanitarian efforts”, so that in all types of emergencies “assistance targets their specific needs”.444 Surprisingly, there was no reference to the needs of men and boys during humanitarian crises or how these might be addressed at the WHS. Furthermore, when we requested details of the Government’s objectives for the WHS, we did not find these to be comprehensive in dealing with sexual violence in conflict.
287.The WHS in Istanbul in May 2016 will provide an important opportunity for the international community to address sexual violence in conflict. We urge the Government to make full use of the Summit. We regret the Government’s failure to furnish the Committee with a comprehensive set of objectives for this important conference.
288.While we believe that it is important to focus on addressing the specific needs of women and girls during emergencies and humanitarian crises, and acknowledge the dangers of ‘gender blind’ policies, the specific needs of male survivors of sexual violence must not be neglected. We do not think that supporting the needs of men and boys is detrimental to those of women and girls.
289.We further believe that the Government has missed an opportunity to address targeted support that may be required for male and child survivors of sexual violence. The UK has been one of the first to champion awareness of the status of men and boys as victims. We are therefore surprised that the Government has not reflected this in its approach to the WHS.
290.In addition to campaigning for more states to adopt the Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies at the WHS, the Government should ensure that the needs of men and boys who are victims of sexual violence in conflict are also addressed.
The role of local organisations
291.In Chapter 3 we discussed the role of local organisations, which were described by our evidence as: important in addressing sexual violence in conflict; often in unique positions to assist; but under-resourced in carrying out their work.445 All of these points stand in the context of responding to the needs of victims and survivors.
292.The US State Department’s Gender-Based Violence Emergency Response and Protection Initiative (GBV Initiative)446 was cited as a successful example currently supporting smaller grassroots organisations.447
293.Professor Davis noted how UK Government engagement with local organisations had been successful in the past. In Istanbul in January 2014, MADRE, the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, and the Sorensen Center at CUNY law school, in partnership with local organisations in Iraq and Syria working on sexual violence in the context of the conflict, hosted a conference with the support of the PSVI. Professor Davis said that this conference resulted in “a practical and solid set of recommendations for the international community”, in addition to “best practices for groups on the ground” on how to address sexual violence and the broader human rights violations that exacerbate it.448
294.The Government agreed that local organisations were important and acknowledged that they were “often under-resourced”.449 In its written evidence, DfID said that its contribution to the UN Trust Fund to End Violence against Women and to AmplifyChange450 aimed to deliver increased funding to local organisations.451
295.DfID also highlighted the establishment of the Global Acceleration Instrument (GAI), which was announced in October 2015 on the 15th anniversary of UNSCR 1325.452 In acknowledging that one of the factors behind “the poor implementation to date of the Women, Peace and Security agenda” was a lack of financial support, UN Women established the GAI as a new funding mechanism. The GAI was established to channel funds to grassroots projects that “empower women to participate in, contribute to, and benefit from conflict prevention, crisis response, peacebuilding and recovery”.453 In October 2015, Baroness Verma announced that the UK Government would contribute $1 million of start-up funding to the GAI.454 As one of the three current largest donors to the GAI, the Government said it hoped to be invited to join the Steering Committee, which will set the strategic direction of the fund, make resource allocations and monitor progress towards achieving results.455 The Government’s approach to the GAI resonated with other evidence, which encouraged it to provide funding to the GAI and advocate for women’s rights organisations to be represented within the Steering Committee.456
296.Local and grassroots organisations are well placed to assess the needs of victims and survivors of sexual violence in conflict. They may be in place before, during and after a conflict. Such organisations are also more attuned to the local context and have greater access than international organisations that might be present for a limited period only. They can also play a critical role when state agents are either unable or unwilling to provide the necessary support.
297.Since local and grassroots organisations are often the most effective in restoring the health and welfare of survivors of sexual violence in conflict, a review should be undertaken by the Government of the uses of emergency funding provided to local, regional and international NGOs in order to what partnerships have proved most effective. New ways of working with local partners should be explored.
298.If the activities of local organisations are to yield positive results, they require increased long-term and quality funding. We therefore welcome the creation of a new funding mechanism, the Global Acceleration Instrument (GAI), which will channel funds to grassroots projects. We commend the Government for the initial $1 million contribution it has made. As one of the three largest donors to the GAI, we also endorse the Government’s objective of obtaining a place on the GAI’s Steering Committee. As a member of this Committee, the Government would be well placed to shape the policies of the GAI, including supporting local organisations and HRDs.
299.The Government should continue to make financial contributions to the GAI and encourage other states to do likewise.
UK domestic policies
300.Although it was not the primary focus of our remit, some of our evidence raised questions about the screening process for those making asylum claims who had experienced sexual violence in conflict.
301.The Refugee Council told us that a substantial proportion of refugee women in the UK had been affected by violence or sexual violence. A study conducted by the Scottish Refugee Council interviewing women in Scotland found 70% of those interviewed had been affected by violence during their lifetime, with just under 50% affected by sexual violence. The Refugee Council also found that between August 2014 and August 2015, 78% of women who accessed its therapeutic service for refugee women were survivors of sexual violence.457
302.Concerns about the UK’s asylum screening process were raised. Research by Women for Refugee Women and Asylum Aid found that women were routinely detained, “despite the Home Office’s own guidance [setting out] that survivors of torture should only be detained in very exceptional circumstances”.458 Accordingly, Women for Refugee Women said a key policy reform it would like to implemented was an “end to the detention of survivors of rape and sexual violence”.459 The International Truth and Justice Project—Sri Lanka raised similar concerns in relation to Tamil survivors claiming asylum in the UK. It said that one of the problems was a lack of awareness of asylum rights.460
303.Other evidence called on the Government to review and revise the administration of its asylum procedure. Widows for Peace through Democracy said that asylum procedure should be reviewed to ensure it complied with the gender guidelines on implementation of the 1951 Refugee Convention.461
304.In its written evidence, the Home Office said that a key aim for UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) was to ensure that the asylum system was “as gender sensitive as possible”. UKVI had four action points in the Government-wide VAWG Action Plan, and said that all actions “with the exception of establishing a referral process for women who claim to have been victims of sexual violence”, had been completed.462 UKVI had also developed an Asylum Gender Action Plan (AGAP). The Home Office said progress on key actions in the AGAP had been made and that it had received “positive feedback”.463 Ms Musgrave said that Home Office engagement on this issue was “very welcome”.464 However, concerns were raised about the “extremely slow” pace of implementation, which was attributed to an apparent lack of funding and resources within the Home Office.465
305.The UK’s screening process for asylum kers who claim to have been victims of sexual violence must be sensitive to their experiences. We are therefore pleased that the Home Office has reviewed its screening process for those claiming asylum. However, we are concerned that progress in implementing these changes is slow.
306.We recommend that the Government expedite the process of implementing changes to the asylum screening process. The Government should outline the timetable for this. If necessary, UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) should be provided with the necessary funding and resources to assist with implementation.
281 Written evidence from Marie Stopes International (SVC0040). also written evidence from the Gender and Development Network (SVC0034) and the International Rescue Committee UK (SVC0035)
282 World Health Organisation, Trends in Maternal Mortality: 1990 to 2015 (2015): http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/194254/1/9789241565141_eng.pdf?ua=1 [accessed 14 March 2016]
283 Supplementary written evidence from His Honour Judge Jonathan Carroll (SVC0046). also Q 91 (Dr Chaloka Beyani), Q 43 (Ms Madeleine Rees), written evidence from Soroptimist International of Great Britain and Ireland (SVC0007), Dr Emillie Medeiros (SVC0042) and AMAR International Charitable Foundation (SVC0068)
284 Written evidence from REDRESS (SVC0022). also Q 102 (Ms Josephine Wambui): “The one thing I have n is that survivors want to be safe—to feel safe again. They still want to be part of the community, even after this atrocious act has affected them.”
285 Q 107 (Ms Josephine Wambui). also Q 143 (Sir Simon McDonald): “… it is provably the case that where women are economically active, where they are integrated into the economy of a country, it does better”.
286 Chapter 8 (Meetings with survivors). also written evidence from War Child UK (SVC0032): “Diplomatic efforts through ambassadors should include messaging around education programming within national curricula and informal contexts in conflict affected and fragile states that address positive gender norms. In addition, increased attention and funding for education in emergencies that can transmit life-saving information as well as build positive gender relations and conflict resolution skills.”
288 Q 45 (Ms Madeleine Rees and Ms Pramila Patten), written evidence from Womankind Worldwide (SVC0008), Saferworld (SVC0009), Dr Jacqueline Troy Lavers (SVC0013), International Alert (SVC0017), Women for Women International UK (SVC0018), DfID (SVC0019), Tearfund (SVC0031), Gender and Development Network (SVC0034), The International Rescue Committee UK (SVC0035), Dr Michael Korzinski (SVC0039), Dr Emillie Medeiros (SVC0042), Gender Action for Peace and Security (SVC0043), Survivors Speak OUT (SVC0052), Medica Mondiale (SVC0058) and Dr Jill Steans (SVC0060)
291 Written evidence from World Vision UK (SVC0006), the Gender and Development Network (SVC0034) and Gender Action for Peace and Security (SVC0043)
293 Written evidence from Survivors Speak OUT (SVC0052). also written evidence from DfID (SVC0019) and the International Rescue Committee UK (SVC0038)
294 Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948): http://www.ohchr.org/EN/UDHR/Documents/UDHR_Translations/eng.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]
295 Written evidence from DfID (SVC0019) and further supplementary written evidence from DfID (SVC0066)
300 Ibid.
301 Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, General recommendation on women’s access to justice (23 July 2015): http://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CEDAW/Shared%20Documents/1_Global/CEDAW_C_GC_33_7767_E.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]. The recommendation stresses the importance of women’s access to justice “in diverse legal systems and all areas of law for all women, irrespective of economic or social status, political background, geographical location, disability, sexual orientation or gender identity. It encompasses all justice settings (formal, informal or semi-formal), sources of law (common law, civil law, religious law, customary law or mixed legal systems) and the full range of legal domains (criminal, civil, family, administrative and constitutional)”. UN Women, UN Women welcomes CEDAW General Recommendation on women’s access to justice, 19 August 2015: http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2015/8/cedaw-general-reccommendation [accessed 14 March 2016]
302 Ibid. “These obstacles occur in a structural context of discrimination and inequality, due to factors such as gender stereotyping, discriminatory laws, intersecting or compounded discrimination, procedural and evidentiary requirements and practices, and a failure to systematically ensure that judicial mechanisms are physically, economically, socially and culturally accessible to all women. All of these obstacles constitute persistent violations of women’s human rights.”
303 Written evidence from the Gender and Development Network (SVC0034). also Q 157 (Baroness Anelay of St Johns): “We need to support the survivors. That means not just bringing justice by way of prosecutions or compensation, which can take time, but more immediately to provide psychosocial help and health services and make sure that there is community work to assist them.”
306 For example, at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), 3,866 victims are participating in the current war crimes case on trial. ECCC, ‘Statistics: Civil Party applicants per Case File’: http://www.eccc.gov.kh/en/statistics-civil-party-applicants-case-file [accessed 14 March 2016].
308 also Q 159 (Baroness Anelay of St Johns): “Above all, it has to be the survivors who tell us what justice means to them. It may not be a court case or compensation.”
311 Ibid.
312 Written evidence from ABColombia (SVC0033), Mansfield Chambers (SVC0036), Dr Michael Korzinski (SVC0039), Global Justice Center (SVC0044) and Dr Emilie Medeiros (SVC0042)
316 Q 72 (Ms Lauren Wolfe), written evidence from Marie Stopes International (SVC0040), Global Justice Center (SVC0044) and Human Rights Watch (SVC0049)
317 Department for International Development, Safe and unsafe abortion: The UK’s policy position on safe and unsafe abortion in developing countries (June 2014): https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/324590/safe-unsafe-abortion2.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]: “It is the UK’s view that in situations of armed conflict or occupation where denial of abortion threatens the woman’s or girl’s life or causes unbearable suffering, international humanitarian law principles may justify offering a safe abortion rather than perpetuating what amounts to inhumane treatment in the form of an act of cruel treatment or torture.”
318 UN Security Council, Resolution 2122 (18 October 2013): http://unscr.com/en/resolutions/doc/2122 [accessed 14 March 2016]
319 Global Justice Center, ‘On Anniversary of Roe vs. Wade, US Can’t Forget Women Overseas’, http://globaljusticecenter.net/blog/?s=helms [accessed 14 March 2016]
320 Center for Health and Gender Equality, ‘Helms Amendment’: http://www.genderhealth.org/the_issues/us_foreign_policy/helms/ [accessed 14 March 2016]
322 Global Justice Center, ‘European Union Divorces Itself from US Abortion Ban’: http://globaljusticecenter.net/index.php/news-and-events/news1/press-releases/658-eu-ks-divorce-from-us-abortion-ban-anti-us-helms-amendment-attached-to-2016-eu-budget [accessed 14 March 2016]
323 European Parliament, 2016 Budgetary Conciliation Document—Joint Text (14 December 2015), p 144: http://globaljusticecenter.net/index.php?option=com_mtree&task=att_download&link_id=657&cf_id=34 [accessed 14 March 2016]
324 European Parliament Committee on Development, Report on preparing for the World Humanitarian Summit: Challenges and opportunities for humanitarian assistance (18 November 2015): http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=REPORT&reference=A8-2015–0332&language=EN [accessed 14 March 2016]
329 also Q 10 (Mr Michael Howells): “Prior to ISIL’s emergence as an organisation in Syria, unfortunately the Syrian regime had used sexual violence extensively as a tool, as a form of collective punishment and intimidation in prisons and so on. Figures predating ISIL suggest that 80% of all sexual violence in Syria had been committed by government forces and government actors.”
330 UN Human Rights Council, Out of Sight, Out of Mind: Deaths in Detention in the Syrian Arab Republic, A/HRC/31/CRP.1 (3 February 2016): http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/A-HRC-31-CRP1_en.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]
333 Written evidence from Medica Mondiale (SVC0058). It found that more than 70% of the participants in the study indicated that 20 years later the rapes were still significantly influencing their lives.
335 Ibid.
336 Written evidence from War Child UK (SVC0032): The PSVI tended to “lapse into a reductionist ‘women only’ approach … Participation of all children and young people, male or female, is also critical”. also Foreign Affairs Committee, The FCO’s human rights work in 2013 (Sixth Report, Session 2014–15, HC 551), para 18: “The FCO should do more to demonstrate publicly its support for children’s rights.”
337 Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989): http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/ProfessionalInterest/crc.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]
338 Only two countries have not ratified the Convention: Somalia and the US. The US is only a signatory to the Convention, meaning it has yet to ratify it.
339 Unicef, ‘Convention on the Rights of the Child—FAQs and resources’: http://www.unicef.org/crc/index_30225.html [accessed 14 March 2016]
340 Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Articles 19 and 34: http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/ProfessionalInterest/crc.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]
341 Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Articles 38 and 39: http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/ProfessionalInterest/crc.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]
342 Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Article 38(4): http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/ProfessionalInterest/crc.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]
348 for example ‘Women freed from Boko Haram rejected for bringing “bad blood” back home’, The Guardian (16 February 2016): http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/feb/16/women-freed-boko-haram-rejected-for-bringing-bad-blood-back-home-nigeria [accessed 14 March 2016]
349 Integrated Regional Information Networks, ‘Freedom brings stigma and fresh fears for Boko Haram “wives”’, 1 September 2015: http://www.irinnews.org/analysis/2015/09/01 [accessed 14 March 2016]
350 Written evidence from Open Doors UK & Ireland (SVC0020). also written evidence from International Alert (SVC0017): “… young women recovering from SGBV [sexual and gender-based violence] post-abduction in north eastern Nigeria are being re-victimized by the Federal government as their ‘contact’ with Boko Haram implies that they (the victims) are also insurgents”.
352 Office of the UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Report of Workshop on Sexual Violence Against Men and Boys in Conflict Situations (2013): http://www.slideshare.net/osrsgsvc/report-of-workshop-on-sexual-violence-against-men-and-boys-final [accessed 14 March 2016]
356 Written evidence from Human Rights Watch (SVC0049). also Human Rights Watch, ‘The Double Threat for Gay Men in Syria’, 28 April 2014: https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/04/28/double-threat-gay-men-syria [accessed 14 March 2016]
357 A type of unofficial, confidential and non-mandatory gathering of UN Security Council members. It is a means by which members of the Security Council can enter into a dialogue with non-members of the Security Council, including representatives of governments, international organisations and non-state parties on matters with which they are concerned and which fall within the purview of responsibility of the Security Council.
358 ‘The U.S. And Chile Got The UN Security Council To Talk LGBT Rights’, Huffington Post (24 August 2015): http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/un-security-council-lgbt_us_55db6f4de4b08cd3359cdde6 [accessed 14 March 2016]
359 Written evidence from Soroptimist International of Great Britain and Ireland (SVC0007) and Womankind Worldwide (SVC0008)
361 Written evidence from Goldsmiths, University of London and Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (SVC0015)
363 Q 104 (Ms Josephine Wambui) and written evidence from the Overseas Development Institute (SVC0038)
364 Written evidence from World Vision UK (SVC0006) and the Overseas Development Institute (SVC0038)
369 Q 104 (Dr Chris Dolan). For example, Dr Dolan said training workshops were ran for leaders of different support groups where they juxtaposed LGBTI support groups with survivor support groups, with the parents of children born of rape and with people living with HIV.
371 Ibid.
383 Refugees are people who are outside the country of their nationality “owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted” (1951 Refugee Convention on the Status of Refugees). Refugees should be distinguished from asylum kers. An asylum ker is a person who has applied for asylum under the 1951 Refugee Convention on the ground that if he or she is returned to their country of origin they have a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, political belief or membership of a particular social group. A refugee, on the other hand, has already received a positive decision from the authorities on his or her asylum claim. In its broader context refugee can mean a person fleeing—for example from a civil war or natural disaster—but not necessarily fearing persecution as defined by the 1951 Refugee Convention.
384 Unlike refugees, IDPs have not crossed an international border to find sanctuary but have remained inside their home countries. Even if they have fled for similar reasons as refugees (for example, armed conflict, generalised violence or human rights violations), IDPs legally remain under the protection of their own government—even though that government might be the cause of their flight.
385 An honour killing (or shame killing) is the homicide of a member of a family by other members, due to the perpetrators’ belief that the victim has brought shame or dishonour upon the family. Reasons can include: refusing to enter an arranged marriage; being in a relationship that is disapproved by their family; having sex outside marriage; becoming the victim of rape; dressing in ways which are deemed inappropriate; engaging in non-heterosexual relations; or renouncing a faith.
386 Survival sex is prostitution engaged in by a person because of their extreme need. For example, trading sex for food or other basic needs.
387 Q 10 (Mr Dan Chugg), written evidence from Track Impunity Always (TRIAL) (SVC0002), Open Doors UK & Ireland (SVC0020), Dr Ingrid Elliott (SVC0026) and the Overseas Development Institute (SVC0038)
394 Ibid.
406 Written evidence from Widows for Peace through Democracy (SVC0003): “they [widows] are the least likely to enjoy their basic human right, access justice, obtain protection from violence, or inherit and own land. Before, during and after conflicts, widows in Africa in particular will continue to be coerced into participation in harmful traditional practices such as those required in some mourning and burial practices. They may be blamed and branded as witches when they become infected with the HIV virus, which was a common result of rape during the Rwanda genocide … Often the men and boys are separated from the women and girls, the former are killed and the latter subjected to rape and sexual slavery … The poverty of widows, due to their lack of rights to inheritance and land ownership, and the stigma and discrimination they suffer … lays them open to continual sexual exploitation long after formal peace accords have been signed”.
407 In discussing humanitarian crises, the majority of our evidence referred specifically to GBV and VAWG.
409 Department for International Development, ‘Greening: girls and women must be kept safe in emergencies’, 13 November 2013: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/greening-girls-and-women-must-be-kept-safe-in-emergencies [accessed 14 March 2016]
413 Written evidence from Gender Development Network (SVC0034) and the International Rescue Committee UK (SVC0035)
414 Written evidence from Gender Development Network (SVC0034) and the International Rescue Committee UK (SVC0035). Other examples included: having gender-sensitive approaches and policies in protection in the emergency phase and humanitarian early recovery (Q 91 (Dr Chaloka Beyani)); providing immediate funding at the onset of an emergency for the deployment of GBV/violence against women advisors and gender/GENCAP advisors to support response efforts (Gender Action for Peace and Security (SVC0043)); and pressing for increased investment in healthcare and comprehensive emergency health services (including medical treatment for injuries, treatment for HIV and other STIs, emergency contraception, safe and legal abortion, and trauma counselling) (Human Rights Watch (SVC0049))
415 Department for International Development, ‘Greening: girls and women must be kept safe in emergencies’, 13 November 2013: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/greening-girls-and-women-must-be-kept-safe-in-emergencies [accessed 14 March 2016]
416 Keep Her Safe—Protecting girls and women in emergencies, Communiqué (13 November 2013): https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/256872/Final_Communique_v_11_Nov_4.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]
419 Keep Her Safe—Protecting girls and women in emergencies, Communiqué (13 November 2013): https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/256872/Final_Communique_v_11_Nov_4.pdf [accessed 14 March 2016]
420 US Department of State, ‘Preventing and Responding to Gender-Based Violence in Emergencies’: http://www.state.gov/j/prm/policyissues/issues/c62377.htm [accessed 14 March 2016]
423 Department for International Affairs, ‘Greening: girls and women must be kept safe in emergencies’, 13 November 2013: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/greening-girls-and-women-must-be-kept-safe-in-emergencies [accessed 14 March 2016]
424 US Department of State, Call to Action on Protection from Gender-based Violence in Emergencies: Road Map 2016–2020 (September 2015): http://www.state.gov/j/prm/policyissues/issues/c68699.htm [accessed 14 March 2016]
425 Further supplementary written evidence from DfID (SVC0061). also US Department of State, ‘Preventing and Responding to Gender-Based Violence in Emergencies’: http://www.state.gov/j/prm/policyissues/issues/c62377.htm [accessed 14 March 2016]
426 Written evidence from Gender and Development Network (SVC0034) and the International Rescue Committee UK (SVC0035)
429 US Department of State, Call to Action on Protection from Gender-based Violence in Emergencies: Road Map 2016–2020 (September 2015): http://www.state.gov/j/prm/policyissues/issues/c68699.htm [accessed 14 March 2016]
430 Written evidence from DfID (SVC0061). also US Department of State, ‘Preventing and Responding to Gender-Based Violence in Emergencies’: http://www.state.gov/j/prm/policyissues/issues/c62377.htm [accessed 14 March 2016]
432 World Humanitarian Summit: https://www.worldhumanitariansummit.org/ [accessed 14 March 2016]
433 Written evidence from DfID (SVC0019), CARE International UK (SVC0029), Global Justice Center (SVC0044) and Gender Action for Peace and Security (SVC0045)
436 Written evidence from CARE International UK (SVC0029) and Gender Action for Peace and Security (SVC0045)
437 Ibid.
439 Written evidence from CARE International UK (SVC0029) and Gender Action for Peace and Security (SVC0045)
445 Q 11 (Professor Doris Schopper and Mr Michael Howells), Q 12 (Professor Lisa Davis), Q 66 (Mr David Mepham and Ms Lauren Wolfe), Q 68 (Ms Lauren Wolfe), QQ 108-109 (Ms Josephine Wambui), written evidence from International Alert (SVC0017), Women for Women International UK (SVC0018), Vital Voices Global Partnership (SVC0025), Dr Ingrid Elliott (SVC0026), ABColombia (SVC0033), Gender and Development Network (SVC0034) and the International Rescue Committee UK (SVC0035)
446 US Department of State, ‘Gender-Based Violence Emergency Response and Protection Initiative: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Partnership to Assist Individuals in Crisis’: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2014/04/224983.htm [accessed 14 March 2016]
447 The GBV Initiative provides individuals with medical, psycho-social, legal and livelihood support. Grassroots organisations are then able to support survivors through this Initiative without diverting resources away from other operations and programmes. written evidence from Vital Voices Global Partnership (SVC0025): By supporting such an initiative, the Government could “create a direct line to victims and survivors of gender-based violence and ensure that they receive the services they need”
450 AmplifyChange is an initiative to support civil society activists end child marriage and address a broader range of sexual and reproductive health services and gender issues. https://amplifychange.org/ [accessed 14 March 2016]
452 Cordaid, ‘Governments pledge support to Global Acceleration Instrument’: https://www.cordaid.org/en/news/governments-pledge-support-global-acceleration-instrument/ [accessed 14 March 2016]
454 Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Department for International Development and Ministry of Defence, ‘The UK firmly believes that the 15th anniversary must represent the start of a new era on Women, Peace and Security’, 13 October 2015: https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/the-uk-firmly-believes-that-the-15th-anniversary-must-represent-the-start-of-a-new-era-on-women-peace-and-security [accessed 14 March 2016]
456 Written evidence from Womankind Worldwide (SVC0008) and Gender Action for Peace and Security (SVC0045)
461 Written evidence from Widows for Peace through Democracy (SVC0003). also UN High Commissioner for Refugees, ‘Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees’: http://www.unhcr.org/3b66c2aa10.html [accessed 14 March 2016]
462 Written evidence from the Home Office (SVC0072). In relation to establishing a process for women who claim to have been victims of sexual violence, the Home Office added: “Good progress is being made on that action, with Home Office officials working closely with colleagues from the Refugee Council, the Scottish Refugee Council and the UNHCR.”