INTRODUCTION

  The Equality and Human Rights Commission welcome the opportunity to contribute to the Speaker's Conference on under-represented groups in the House of Commons. Our legacy Commissions (the Commission for Racial Equality, the Equal Opportunities Commission and the Disability Rights Commission) have a long history of contributions to this debate and we hope we can build on their efforts in a constructive way.

  The Commission starts from the position that a Parliament which reflects the demography of the nation it represents will result in better legislation and a higher degree of public confidence in the democratic process. We do not think this is achieved by swapping statistics and arguing that each House or political party needs to represent a microcosm of society. This approach misunderstands the nature of representative democracy. However we would like to see, across the whole Parliament, a reflection of the diversity that is evident across Britain.

  We recognise that there is a strong case for direct interventions and measures to strengthen the democratic process immediately, but what will drive change in the long-term is a recognition by all political parties that diversity and fair representation are necessary in order to thrive in a new electoral environment reflective of more plural and complex identities in modern Britain.

  An Ipsos/MORI survey for the Commission published last week (20 January 2009) shows British people are increasingly comfortable with racial diversity but lack faith in our institutions to represent all groups or treat them fairly. This may pave the way for a political system that has to be more respectful of the need for diversity and different forms of political representation, far more open to people from a much wider range of backgrounds.

  This document does not intend to offer a commentary on the current under-representation of women, ethnic minorities, disabled people and people from a wider spread of socio-economic groups or the lack of diversity in sexual orientation and identity, age, and people with different religions and beliefs in Parliament. The committee is well versed on the problem it has been set up to consider.

  We are disappointed that the under-representation of out gay men and lesbians, those who are transgender and people from a wider range of socio-economic backgrounds are not specifically included in the remit of the committee. We hope that the inability or unwillingness of these groups to break into the House of Commons will be addressed under "associated matters".

  We resist the temptation to make specific recommendations about how political parties select and promote candidates from under-represented groups. There is a deeply held resistance to state intervention in political parties' internal processes and how parties operate is outside the remit of the Conference, though we hope they will seriously consider any recommendations the Conference makes.

  This initial report details:

1. Ongoing research being undertaken by the commission which may be of interest to the Conference.

2. Catalytic measures which could have a dramatic impact on the composition of the House of Commons

3. Good practice, suggesting research projects including into the paths members follow to the House of Commons, lessons from other professions and some thoughts on how Parliament itself has to change.

  We share the hopes of members that this Speaker's Conference will act as a trigger for reform and would like to offer our support to the Conference over the coming months. The Commission would welcome the opportunity to give oral evidence to the Conference to expand on these points.

1.  ONGOING RESEARCH

  The issues likely to be considered by this Speaker's Conference dovetail with a number of pieces of research currently being undertaken by the Commission:

1.1  Sex and Power

  Our annual update on the position of women in positions of power and influence was published in September 2008 is now in its fifth year. The report looks at women's progress in 25 areas including: Westminster MPs, Cabinet members, Members of the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly, editors of national newspapers, those in public appointments, senior police officers and judges, health service chief executives, local authority chief executives, trade union general secretaries and heads of professional bodies.

  The latest report suggests a worrying trend of reversal or stalled progress—with only a few significant increases. The number of women Members of Parliament and Cabinet members went down in 2008 compared to the previous two years. Evidence from selections suggests a further drop in women MPs is expected after the next General Election. The Commission will continue to use this annual measure as a way of reminding Britain how far we have to travel to improve women's representation.

1.2  Working better

  Our research into how Britain works aims to identify and promote innovative new ways of working which help meet the challenges of the 21st century, whether this is someone with caring responsibilities, a mother or a father who wants to be a more active parent, a disabled person who wants a fulfilling career, a younger worker who wants phased entry into work, or an older worker who wants to stay in the labour market longer.

  We will publish our initial report in March and we will share relevant findings with the Conference following publication. Our research on international comparators may be of interest to the Conference; in particular the example of Norway, where an increase in representation of women in Parliament preceded the move by the Norwegian government to require at least 40 per cent of board directors to be women.

2.  CATALYTIC MEASURES

  We would like to use this opportunity to consider proposals which may fall outside the remit of this Conference but could have a dramatic impact on the composition of the House of Commons. These proposals are set out briefly below and would require further research but we hope they will offer some radical thinking and propositions that are worth testing.

2.1  Term limits

  The rate of change in the House of Commons is incredibly slow as MPs in "safe" seats tend to serve for a number of years and it is estimated four out of five MPs seek re-election at any given election.

  Recent research by the Fabian Society into candidates selected to contest seats where an MP from their party is retiring (ie "winnable" seats) show that the numbers of women and ethnic minority candidates securing selection is higher than the current composition of the Commons. This is an encouraging trend but the pace of change in "safe seats" is too slow.

  One way of speeding up the turnover of MPs would be to impose a term limit. A limit of four Parliaments for example would mean members serve for a maximum of 20 years.

  An increased turnover of members, particularly in "safe seats", would mean increased opportunities for new candidates and opportunities for candidates from under-represented groups to enter the House.

  Term limits could also be considered for the House of Lords. Peers currently serve for life, but a 20 year limit would see a turnover which could be beneficial in bringing new voices into Parliament.

  Clearly this is a controversial proposal, not least because it would have resulted in most of our recent Prime Ministers being forced to stand down as an MP before they reached the top of their parties. It would also mean parties may struggle to recruit new MPs if potential candidates felt an approaching period in opposition would "eat into" their allocated 20 years. Some may ask if the proposal is ageist, valuing as it does new recruits over experience.

  We recognise the drawbacks in this proposal but as the Conference is seeking all views we wonder if it is worth considering term limits with perhaps a mechanism built in to allow MPs to appeal to their electorate for an exemption (perhaps a petition or nominations from a percentage of the local electorate) or for a sunset clause to be built into this proposal to encourage a wave of new MPs before returning to the status quo.

  Research shows it will take another 200 years (or 40 elections) to achieve 50/50 representation in the House of Commons and until 2080 for the number of ethnic minority MPs to reflect Britain's current population. We feel this snail's pace will test the patience of the British public. If term limits offer an opportunity to fast track reform then we hope the Conference will give the proposal fair consideration.

RECOMMENDATION

  The Conference should consider a feasibility study into the impact of term limits on the composition of both Houses of Parliament. Research could include projections on how term limits would accelerate change and in the case of the Commons options for building in a mechanism to ensure the democratic will of local electorates are taken into consideration. The study should include public views and the opinion of political parties on this proposal as well as the views of current members.

2.2  House of Lords reform

  Achieving a more representative House of Commons needs to be considered in the context of Parliament as a whole. Members will be aware that the House of Lords has a higher proportion of ethnic minority members than the Commons. Indeed, this unfavourable comparison may have been an impetus for many Members to push for accelerated change in the Commons.

  The current appointments process for the House of Lords offers an opportunity to achieve a more representative and diverse second chamber. This has been partially evidenced through the work of the House of Lords Appointments Commission, which since its establishment in 2000 has achieved more rapid progress in increasing the number of under-represented groups than is likely to be seen in the Commons for many decades.

  While this progress is to be welcomed an increased rate of change could be achieved if political party nominations in addition to independent nominations to the Second Chamber were considered by the House of Lords Appointments Commission so they could take an overall view and refer nominations back to political parties if they reduce diversity. This way the background of new appointees are considered as a whole and finding a diverse spread of candidates would not fall to each party individually, but would be taken as a whole and in conjunction with independent nominations.

RECOMMENDATION

  Future legislation on Lords reform should consider enhancing the role of the House of Lords Appointments Commission to ensure they have responsibility for considering all annual appointments (including those by political parties) with the option of referring back annual nominations which reduce diversity in the second chamber.

  However we realise there are many opponents of an appointed second chamber and this approach may change in the long term as calls for more fundamental reforms to the House of Lords remain strong. We hope any future debates around Lords reform will consider the need to increase representation from more diverse groups.

  In considering a move to an elected system for the second chamber it should be noted that majoritarian systems such as "first past the post" are likely to result in the Second Chamber mirroring the slow progress on diversity that has characterised the Commons. The system most likely to achieve a more representative makeup is a PR closed list system, which has the following advantages:

— International evidence demonstrates that of the 10 highest-ranking countries in terms of women's representation, all use proportional representation electoral systems;

— When parties have to present a whole slate to voters there are strong incentives for them to achieve balance.

— Party lists can support true equality by offering more opportunities for underrepresented groups to be included without simultaneously excluding others.

  However—in common with most other electoral systems—a Closed List system will only increase the numbers of underrepresented groups to the extent that parties place such candidates on their lists, and encourage and support a wider range of candidates to come forward.

  Some additional mechanisms, as used in many countries to increase the number of female parliamentarians, include:

  Affirmative action—programmes are aimed at encouraging under-represented groups to stand for election with special seminars, training, financial assistance and so on.

  Positive discrimination—can include four main types of mechanisms:

— legal quotas—laws passed by national legislatures to regulate the selection of candidates;

— party quotas—policies adopted by individual parties to put forward a certain percentage of different types of candidates;

— soft quotas—measures that seek to increase representation indirectly through informal targets and recommendations; and, finally,

— reserved seats for certain groups in parliament.

  While quotas have been shown to have significant impact on elections, there may be resistance in the UK, as was seen with "all-women shortlists".

RECOMMENDATION

  Any future proposals around an elected second chamber to consider quotas in conjunction with a PR closed list system of election.

2.3  Public Sector Duty on Political Parties

  The public sector equality duties which currently apply to all public authorities in Great Britain (and which exist in a different form in Northern Ireland) require those authorities to "pay due regard" to the elimination of discrimination and harassment, and the promotion of equality in all of their functions. The current duties cover race, disability and gender equality. Proposals in the forthcoming Equality Bill propose extension to cover age, gender identity, religion or belief and sexual orientation.

  Political parties are not currently covered by this legislation, although the recent Councillors Commission suggested that they should be. The advantage of the duty is that, unlike previous equality legislation which depended on individuals challenging discrimination through the tribunal system or the courts, the duties shifts the onus onto organisations themselves to take action to identify inequalities and take action to address them.

  If political parties were included in the coverage of the duty there would be a clear legal imperative for parties to take action. The duty is legally enforceable by the Equality and Human Rights Commission. If the parties were listed as covered by the secondary regulations also ("the specific duties"), they would be required to collect data on equality gaps and issues, consult stakeholders and set objectives to close the gaps, reporting on progress annually.

  Should state funding for political parties become a serious consideration the case for political parties to comply with public sector duties would be markedly stronger.

RECOMMENDATION

  Consideration should be given to including political parties in the coverage of the Public Sector Duty.

  The Electoral Commission is also covered by the duties and is required to monitor the use of Short funding for parties. By attaching equality conditions to the funding it provides to parties the Electoral Commission would be ensuring public money was being used to promote equality through the work of political parties.

RECOMMENDATION

  The Electoral Commission should be asked to attach equality conditions to the funding it provides, in keeping with the requirement on the Commission to promote equality in all of its functions.

2.4  Ethnic Minority shortlists

  The case for ethnic minority shortlists was set out by Operation Black Vote in their oral evidence to the Conference on 20 January. As with all-women shortlists the decision to use ethnic minority shortlists would fall to political parties and reports suggest the case for this measure has yet to be won internally in the main political parties. However lack of internal support at this stage should not rule out permissive legislation in order to allow positive action to be available to political parties should they decide to go down this route.

  The case against ethnic minority shortlists centres on the danger of "ghettoising" ethnic minority candidates in seats which have significant ethnic minority populations. We accept that this would be a poor outcome of any positive action measures. The aim is to create steady pressure towards greater diversity in candidate selection.

  We consider that one approach would be to give political parties freedom to vary selection environments and qualifications during the selection process. How would this work? One way could be for parties to monitor the diversity of candidates on a regional level, this would allow them as the selection process went forward, if necessary, to introduce progressively stronger measures to encourage the selection of an ethnic minority candidate.

  For example political parties could start with a target for the number of seats across London which should be contested by a BME candidate. This would not focus on particular seats but the region as a whole. At stages (25% of candidates selected, 50% of candidates selected, etc) the parties could assess progress and consider measures to increase the number of ethnic minority candidates going forward for selection, making it onto short-listing panels etc. For example if not enough ethnic minority candidates were selected in the early stages a party might introduce a requirement to include at least one ethnic minority candidate in each shortlist during later stages.

  Political parties could learn from their sister parties around the world on selections. How to ensure increased representation from underrepresented groups is an issue UK political parties are not alone in considering.

RECOMMENDATION

  Consideration should be given to legislation to allow political parties to make use of ethnic minority shortlists should they choose to.

3.  GOOD PRACTICE

  Set out below are some good practice proposals for the Conference to consider. Responsibility for taking forward many of these ideas would fall to other organisations. We would welcome the opportunity to work in partnership or offer advice to any organisation which shares our ambition to see a more diverse and representative Parliament.

3.1  Understanding pathways into politics

  Many professions, when starting to consider the lack of diversity in their workforces, start by taking a step back and asking what recruitment path their current workforce followed. A snapshot of the current House would suggest that there are common routes into Parliament from what we will call the "political classes", with many MPs previously working as:

— Lawyers.

— Journalists.

— Trade unionists.

— Officials of Political Parties.

— Researchers in Think tanks.

— Researchers to Members of Parliament.

— Special Advisers to Ministers.

— Or serving as councillors.

  It is clear that this background gives people a behind the scenes look at how Parliament operates and what being an MP actually entails. This access breaks down any false perceptions that the wider public may have into the role of an MP. In addition these roles allow individuals to build up a network of contacts and understand the internal machinations of political parties, which make taking the first steps towards standing for selection less daunting.

  Serving as a councillor provides many members with an introduction to elected office and leads to many standing for election to Parliament (or the Scottish Parliament or Welsh Assembly). So the fact that the same groups are under-represented in our council chambers is therefore not surprising.

  The Conference may want to consider the work of the Councillors Commission which reported in December 2007 and looked at the role of local councillors and the incentives and barriers to serving on councils, there may be some overlap between the findings of the report and the work of the Conference. The Councillors Commission recognised the importance of gaining experience through serving on company boards, as trustees or on Health Boards. If under-represented groups face barriers at this level they will miss out on crucial experience which could be the first step on a path leading to Parliament.

  In considering our submission to this Conference we revisited research by the Fawcett Society from May 2008. Routes to Power is Fawcett's research on ethnic minority women and decision making. The research tracked the trajectories of ethnic minority women who are currently active in decision-making positions to learn how they navigated into their roles. A similar piece of research widened out to include all MPs would offer a clear picture of established routes to Parliament.

  While the idea of a political outsider parachuting into the political arena makes for diverting drama—"Mr Smith goes to Washington" and "The Amazing Mrs Pritchard" spring to mind, in fact many MPs have served some sort of apprenticeship before entering Parliament. We could bemoan this fact and claim it's all a stitch up. Or we could accept it is inevitable that people who have had a taste of Parliament may want to contribute in a more direct way. Accepting this starting point the Conference may want to consider:

— Are groups which are under-represented in Parliament also under-represented in these traditional routes? If so how can people from under-represented groups break into these routes to power?

— Can more pathways be opened up to encourage those outside of the "political classes" to get involved and gain a better understanding of the political process?

RECOMMENDATION

  Detailed research into the trajectories of all sitting MPs and historically (perhaps going back 50 years) to build a clear understanding of the established routes to Parliament and how these have changed over the years. Building on this research qualitative research with sitting MPs who don't fit the mould would offer an insight into how they established their own path.

  Members will be aware of the metropolitan bias in staff employed as researchers. Working for free as an intern for an MP offers a brilliant opportunity for young people looking for work experience in politics and often leads to employment in the wider political field. In theory this opportunity is open to everyone willing to offer their services, but in fact the route is only a realistic option to those who can live with family or friends for free in London.

  In considering the first question the Conference may also want to consider the study into access to professions being considered by Alan Milburn MP for the Prime Minister and also barriers to social mobility being considered in the New Opportunities White Paper.

RECOMMENDATION

  A scholarship fund for MPs to promote to sixth form pupils or recent graduates from their constituencies. Internships, for example gained through winning an essay writing competition, would open up opportunities to work in Parliament to a wider audience.

3.2  Progression

  Breaking into the political class and being elected to Parliament is just the first hurdle for some members. Their progression, or lack of, once elected is also worth consideration.

  The relatively high number of women who were elected in 1997 and stood down in 2001 is presented as anecdotal evidence of how unwelcoming the Commons is for women. Studying the experience of past and current members could offer a fuller picture of what barriers, if any, members face.

RECOMMENDATION

  Consider a study into the progression of those from under-represented groups over the past 50 years, including qualitative research with sitting and past members from these groups.

3.3  Learning from other professions

  Clearly standing for election isn't like any other job interview and being a Member of Parliament is a unique role. However it is useful to forget these differences and consider the efforts of other professions where they have recognised there is a problem with under-representation from certain groups. For example:

— Police and Armed Forces—both recognise they have a severe lack of women and ethnic minorities in their ranks. What steps are they taking to recruit more women and ethnic minorities to their ranks? And what measures are being taken to identify and break down the barriers to progression for these groups within their organisations?

— Legal profession—Can we learn from any actions being taken in the legal profession to encourage more women and ethnic minorities into senior positions including the judiciary?

— Teaching—the absence of male primary school teachers is widely recognised as having an adverse impact on the educational outcomes of young boys. What is the teaching profession doing to change the image of primary teaching as a "women's work" and can political parties learn any lessons in trying to encourage more women to stand for election?

— Science and Engineering—despite doing well in these subjects at school evidence suggests young girls are put off studying these subjects at university and progressing into a career in these fields because they are viewed as male professions. This type of occupational segregation is a major cause of the pay gap. What steps are the science and engineering industries taking to reach out to young girls at an early stage in their education? Should the curriculum also be proactively promoting elected office (to local councils as well as Parliament) as a valid option for women and not merely something men do?

  Studying the measures these professions are employing to reach out to new groups may spark some ideas for the Conference to consider. Two common examples are mentoring and understanding the importance of role models.

Mentoring

  This is a well established practice across many professions and a useful tool in career development. Political parties already offer mentoring to those hoping to stand for election, though this is on an ad hoc basis. It is important that people in senior leadership positions in political parties get involved in mentoring as their increased clout can help to open opportunities for candidates and improve the confidence of candidates.

  Some parties use mentoring in conjunction with "talent-spotting" potential candidates from non-traditional backgrounds. By matching these new recruits with sitting Members of Parliament this form of mentoring helps to break down the perceived barriers people from professions outside of politics perceive as insurmountable.

RECOMMENDATION

  The Conference could consider offering guidance to political parties on how to encourage mentoring and point to best practice in the private and public sectors.

Role Models

  A huge barrier to entering any profession can be the perception that it is "not for the likes of me". Highlighting existing employees who challenge this perception is a simple way of taking this head on and addressing the "you can't be what you can't see" challenge. So women firearms officers and male primary school teachers are held up as shining examples of what is possible. Essex Police encourage officers who don't fit the mould to produce pen portraits for use during recruitment so applicants can see a real example of people "like them" who are already in place.

  Role models can be a useful way of answering the questions some people may be afraid to ask:

— Is it possible to be an MP and the mother of small children? How do you balance family life and work? And do you qualify for maternity leave?

— Is Parliament accessible for disabled people? Would I qualify for extra support to help with access?

— Are there areas for non-Christians to pray?

  These are fairly standard questions people are permitted to ask in an interview without fear of reprisals. For those considering standing to be a Member of Parliament there is no forum to ask. Pen portraits and role models are a useful way to take these issues head on.

RECOMMENDATION

  Members of Parliament who challenge the usual stereotype should be approached to act as role models. This could include producing a pen portrait explaining their background and what their role as an MP entails.

3.4  Demystifying Parliament

  If the Commons is generally seen as distant and inaccessible then this will have a direct impact on the appeal of standing for election. Similarly the image Parliament as a whole projects to the country is important and improving this image will have an impact on the number of people interested in putting themselves forward for election.

  It is easy for members to forget how far removed people can feel from decision making. Responsibility for communicating the work of Parliament and the role of MPs, especially their constituency activity can't just fall to members themselves, the House authorities should also build on existing work to promote Parliament.

  Visits to Parliament: the Parliamentary Education Service is an excellent resource for schools which could be extended to other community groups. Grants could be available for groups to bid for as this would overcome the financial barrier travelling to London can present.

  Explaining the role: websites such as publicwhip.org.uk and theyworkforyou.com provide an invaluable service in making the voting records and parliamentary activity of MPs freely available. But this is just a small part of the job of an MP and overlooks the constituency commitments which make up the vast bulk of many MPs workload.

  If the understanding of a MPs role does not extend beyond having to stand up from the green benches to deliver a speech and be shouted at by the opposing parties then it is understandable that a sizeable proportion of the population will be put off. It's difficult to think of another profession beyond stand up comedy (also not known for its diversity) where being heckled while doing your job is expected.

  A fuller understanding of the hugely rewarding constituency side of the role and the detailed campaigning work MPs undertake in conjunctions with charities and other groups would undoubtedly explain the appeal of the job to a wider audience.

RECOMMENDATIONS

  Parliament education programme to be open to all community groups with grants available to help with travelling to London. More thought to be given to promoting the constituency and campaigning role of MPs.

3.5  Changing Parliament

  The Conference may also want to consider the aspects of standing for election which present real and imagined barriers to participation to all potential candidates but to under-represented groups in particular.

Culture

  There is a macho and traditional image around Parliament which could be off putting to a lot of people, not just women. The assumption that you can't show anything that could be perceived as weakness in a leadership position leads to uncompromising attitudes towards people who can't or don't want to match these standards. With Party leaders unprepared to be photographed wearing an overcoat even in freezing temperatures, is it any wonder people have unrealistic views of what it takes to be a politician.

  Consider the case of former Norwegian Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik. In 1998 Mr Bondevik took two weeks sick leave due to depression (thought to be brought on by overwork). The Norwegian media reported that his candour in declaring his depression was met with great sympathy throughout the country and contributed to his recovery. This supportive attitude to mental ill health is unlikely in British politics.

  MPs with young families face a challenge in trying to manage the workload and long hours expected of politicians. Travelling long distances and spending periods in London away from their families can be isolating. And when members live in London with their families they face criticism over their commitment to their constituencies. While other workplaces are driving towards increased flexibility and improved work life balance Parliament seems to be completely inflexible.

  Polling shows attitudes to sexual orientation across the country are shifting, with overt discrimination no longer acceptable to most people. However the lack of out gay men and lesbians in both Houses suggests a taboo remains. Do MPs feel the need to keep their sexuality secret for fear of reprisals from opposition parties or a hostile media? Are MPs unwilling to "out" themselves for fear of having to be the poster boy or girl for gay rights when they want to make their name for other reasons?

  The danger of being identified purely by one characteristic is a pressure that a lot of members from under-represented groups face. As constituency MPs and individuals with their own interest and passions it is clear many members are unhappy to be labelled; the gay MP, the MP who is a young mum, the MP who uses a wheel chair or the black woman MP. The solution to this is clearly to reach critical mass across Parliament so these characteristic aren't unique.

Accessibility

  Westminster could learn from other Parliaments and Assemblies around the UK and internationally on how the physical environment can send a welcoming message to under-represented groups. Starting with a clean slate the Scottish Parliament, Welsh and Northern Ireland Assemblies have considered all groups in planning the physical environment, accessibility and working hours. Clear signals around the accessibility of Parliament could be achieved through:

— Ensuring the Parliamentary estate is fully accessible

— Having a dedicated crèche

— Changing working hours to reflect family commitments

— Ensuring prayer facilities consider the needs of all faiths

— Providing facilities and a supportive environment for nursing mothers.

  The challenge of overcoming barriers to access is also a consideration for disabled candidates when putting themselves forward for selection. Travelling great distances and going house to house to canvass support at the selection and election stages may seem physically impossible for some. Political parties also need to factor accessibility into their internal party meetings.

RECOMMENDATION

  Consideration should be given to how the Parliamentary estate can be altered and working hours re-evaluated to improve accessibility. Political parties should be encouraged to consider accessibility for all internal and local meetings.

4.  SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS

— The Conference should consider a feasibility study into the impact of term limits on the composition of both Houses of Parliament. Research could include projections on how term limits would accelerate change and in the case of the Commons options for building in a mechanism to ensure the democratic will of local electorates are taken into consideration. The study should include public views and the opinion of political parties on this proposal as well as the views of current members.

— Future legislation on Lords reform should consider enhancing the role of the House of Lords Appointments Commission to ensure they have responsibility for considering all annual appointments (including those by political parties) with the option of referring back annual nominations which reduce diversity in the second chamber. Any future proposals around an elected second chamber to consider quotas in conjunction with a PR closed list system of election.

— Consideration should be given to including political parties in the coverage of the Public Sector Duty.

— The Electoral Commission should be asked to attach equality conditions to the funding it provides, in keeping with the requirement on the Commission to promote equality in all of its functions.

— Consideration should be given to legislation to allow political parties to make use of BME shortlists should they choose to.

— Detailed research into the trajectories of all sitting MPs and historically (perhaps going back 50 years) to build a clear understanding of the established routes to Parliament and how these have changed over the years. Building on this research qualitative research with sitting MPs who don't fit the mould would offer an insight into how they established their own path.

— A scholarship fund for MPs to promote to sixth form pupils or recent graduates from their constituencies. Internships, for example gained through winning an essay writing competition, would open up opportunities to work in Parliament to a wider audience.

— Consider a study into the progression of those from underrepresented groups over the past 50 years, including qualitative research with sitting and past members from these groups.

— The Conference could consider offering guidance to political parties on how to encourage mentoring and point to best practice in the private and public sectors.

— Members of Parliament who challenge the usual stereotype should be approached to act as role models. This could include producing a pen portrait explaining their background and what their role as an MP entails.

— Parliament education programme to be open to all community groups with grants available to help with travelling to London. More thought to be given to promoting the constituency and campaigning role of MPs.

— Consideration should be given to how the Parliamentary estate can be altered and working hours re-evaluated to improve accessibility. Political parties should be encouraged to consider accessibility for all internal and local meetings.