Submission by the Women's Local Government
Society (SC-63)
The Women's Local Government Society (WLGS)
welcomes the establishment of the Speaker's Conference to: "consider,
and make recommendations for rectifying, the disparity between
the representation of women, ethnic minorities and disabled people
in the House of Commons and their representation in the UK population
at large." Please find enclosed a short submission. This
consists of a summary including some information about our organisation
followed by more detailed views.
At this stage WLGS do not wish to give oral
evidence. However we note that the Speaker's Conference is empowered
to consider other associated matters. We consider there is a strong
association between the nature of elected representation at a
local level and that of representation in Parliament. If at any
stage the Speaker's Conference does consider making recommendations
of direct relevance to levels of representation of women in local
government we would welcome the opportunity to contribute further.
The attached evidence has been considered by
our management committee, and builds on views of the wider membership
as expressed through our meetings and networking. We are happy
for the information to be made public
ABOUT THE
WOMEN'S
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
SOCIETY.
Women's Local Government Society (WLGS) was
active from the late 1880's until the mid 1920's campaigning and
supporting the representation of women as elected members throughout
local government. Their lobbying resulted in the 1907 Qualification
of Women (County and Borough Council's) Act, which allowed some
women to stand as candidates for County, County Borough and London
councils. The Women's Local Government Society was revived in
2007, recognising that in the 100 years since that Act, equal
representation of women in Local Government had not been achieved.
As with its predecessor, WLGS has membership from all three main
political parties and those without political allegiance. It is
supported by three presidents in the House of Lords who reflect
that cross-party approach.
The aims of the revived Women's Local Society
relevant to the Speaker's Conference are:
To raise the profile of past, present
and future achievements of elected women in Local Government.
To secure a greater representation of
elected Women in Local Government in England, Scotland, Wales
and Northern Ireland through positive action, promotion, support,
mentoring and lobbying.
To encourage the return of real power
to women in their local communities through elected local governance
and to support the development of meaningful local democracy
The scope of our evidence.
The evidence we submit relates specifically
to the representation of women, building on the three aims above.
There is both a direct relationship between representation at
a national and local level, at common causes of under-representation.
We also suggests that part of the solution may lie in devolving
appropriate activity from Parliament to a community level, where
a greater number of individuals can participate more fully in
the process of government. A comprehensive approach to tackle
the practical and cultural causes of under-representation of women
in all spheres of government will also break down some barriers
to the representation of other under-represented groups.
We have not tried to answer all the question
set out in your request for evidence, as others experts will no
doubt focus on the problems caused by under-representation and
the relationship with attitudes to voting.
You ask what actions have been taken to address
similar concerns. In submitting evidence, we have been informed
by a number of surveys and publications, and by the experiences
of our members. We consider in particular the Speaker's Conference
could and should revisit the findings of the Councillors Commission
"Representing the Future", published 10th December 2007.
(http://www.communities.gov.uk/councillorscommission/publications/representingthefuture/).
The chair of that Commission, Dame Jane Roberts,
stated in her foreword that: "There is inevitably no one
magic bullet that will encourage more able, talented and representative
people to become councillors and for the work of councillors to
be better recognised and valued". That principle, we consider,
relates also to membership of the House of Commons.
Summary of our evidence.
Throughout recent history, women who
achieved as local councillors went on to achieve as members of
both Houses of Parliament. We can all learn from their example
and build on their experiences. Women need good role models, and
failure to disseminate positive pictures of successful women politicians
past and present serves to both strengthen and perpetuate the
reality of under-representation.
The reasons more women are not involved
in political activity at both a national and a local level are
both practical and cultural. We accept political parties and others
need to address cultural barriers inherent in selection processes.
However, those processes will only attract a wider variety of
candidates from a larger pool if practical issues are also addressed.
For the MP, needing to split activity between Westminster and
the constituency, those practical constraints can make life impossible.
Disparity in Parliamentary representation can only be achieved
if Parliamentary life adapts to suit the needs of those it seeks
to involve.
Devolution would increase the involvement
of the wider community in decision taking, strengthen the role
of local councillors who share the experiences of their communities
on a day-to-day basis and lessen the burden on the Parliamentary
system. It could therefore contribute to tackling issues of representation
at a range of levels.
Because the issues underpinning representation
are wide ranging, we believe the findings of the Speaker's Conference
should be too. Previous Speaker's Conferences have heralded significant
milestones in the participation of women in the democratic process.
We hope this conference follows suit.
The relationship between local and national representation
Throughout recent history, women who achieved
as local councillors went on to achieve as members of both Houses
of Parliament. We can all learn from their example and build on
their experiences. Women need good role models, and failure to
disseminate positive pictures of successful women politicians
past and present serves to both strengthen and perpetuate the
reality of under-representation.
1.1. A limited number of women were able
to stand for local elected office from 1907. When women gained
the right to stand for Parliament from 1918 a small number
already had experience as local councillors. Dr Ethel Bentham,
Dr Marion Phillips and Susan Lawrence are examples of early women
MP's who benefited from local government experience. That trend
continued, with well known names like Dr Edith Sumerskill and
Barbara Castle being elected local representatives.
1.2. The 1997 intake brought about
the biggest single increase of women in Parliament, almost doubling
numbers to 120. A significant proportion of the women elected
at that time had experience as councillors. We estimate this to
be almost 50%. It is interesting that this increase follows on
from a period when the representation of women at a local level
had improved significantly. Work by local election experts based
at Plymouth University found there was an increase from the early
1970's "with a particularly rapid increase in the second
half of the 1980s, and that all parties recruited an increasing
number of women candidates in the period."[168]
There are several explanations for both increases. Not unconnected
was the positive focus given to issues of concern to women in
that period through local women's committees and units.
1.3. More balanced representation in local
government should therefore help improve the representation of
women in Central Government. We welcome the consideration given
to the findings of the Councillor's Commission, and in particular
the potential implementation of one aspect of this currently being
considered by Parliament as part of the "Local Democracy,
Economic Development and Construction Bill"namely
content of Part One, Chapter One of that Bill, the "Duties
Relating to the Promotion of Democracy".
1.4. In our view the best mechanisms for
implementing the duty promote democracy will require a systematic
approach already being established in other areas of public life
through the introduction of the introduction of the Gender Equality
Duty as established by the 2006 Single Equality Act.
As part of the development of a duty to promote
democracy, we would therefore wish to see local authorities undertaking
audits of gender, age and ethnic representation at a local level,
considering the impact, setting objectives, promoting good practice
and then monitoring and reviewing outcomes.
1.5. Parliament has a role to play in promoting
positive images of Local Government, and that should include promoting
positive and non-stereotypical images of local elected representatives.
Ministers can contribute on a practical day to day basis, perhaps
requesting the presence of newly elected or a cross party representative
group of councillors on visits, or arranging discussions on topics
of relevance to a specific locality with diverse groups of councillors.
1.6. Informal activity between Members of
Parliament and their local elected representatives takes place
at a variety of levels. Some of that activity could be formalised
and given Parliamentary support. Surveys have established that
women are more likely to stand for local government if they are
invited to do so. Women members of Parliament are well placed
to provide mentoring, support and encouragement to potential local
government candidates. Many do so already, but practical support,
training and encouragement from a cross-party source may help,
and would be especially beneficial if MP's were encouraged to
help recruit and mentor local government candidates from under-represented
groups.
1.7. WLGS has identified a real need to
improve the images of elected representatives in those publications
most commonly read by younger women and women from diverse ethnic
backgrounds. Networking sites and Blog diaries have increased
the ability of elected representatives to communicate with a wider
audience, and given women MPs in particular the opportunity to
illustrate their need to mesh domestic life with their Parliamentary
one. Councillors have benefited when common facilities or systems
have been developed to support their use of technology. Some Local
Authority PR departments also make a point of promoting women
councillors in local publications. Parliament could benefit from
a more proactive PR role, and one that develops the use of technology.
Promoting the work of non-ministerial MP's, their daily lives,
their backgrounds and the routes by which they entered Parliament
should be the responsibility of a specific and dedicated team
of civil servants.
1.8. Current women MP's could be encouraged
to discuss their routes into office more generally, but there
is also a role for Government in helping disseminate and encouraging
discussion of the life experiences of early women pioneers, and
those who have left Parliament more recently. Because of the timing
of equal franchise legislation (and we would argue as a direct
result), many of the early women MP's were involved in developing
community provision that is still vital to women todaythe
shape of our education and health services, the design of housing.
Equally vital, and more recently, women have played crucial roles
in peace initiatives such as that in Northern Ireland. Their stories
should be an integral part of all aspects of education, from the
formal school syllabus to museum content.
The Speaker's Conference should consider a range
of practical measure to encourage the promotion of past and present
elected representatives, local and national as role models for
future generations. Parliament should recognise and value Local
Government as a means of encouraging democratic participation.
2. The cultural and practical barriers to
representation
The reasons more women are not involved in political
activity at both a national and a local level are both practical
and cultural. We accept political parties and others need to address
cultural barriers inherent in selection processes. However, those
processes will only attract a wider variety of candidates from
a larger pool if practical issues are also addressed. For the
MP, needing to split activity between Westminster and the constituency,
those practical constraints can make life impossible. Disparity
in Parliamentary representation can only be achieved if Parliamentary
life adapts to suit the needs of those it seeks to involve.
2.1. The Councillors Commission has already
undertaken a valuable and detailed research into the incentives
and barriers that encourage or deter people from standing for
election at a local level. We consider here both the issues they
identified which we consider of relevance and some of the potential
solutions. In doing so, we have been selective, looking particularly
at those issues of most relevance to women. As stated in our summary,
we consider all members of the Speaker's Conference would find
it useful to visit this recent piece of work, Representing
the Future.
2.2. The Councillors Commission report did
discuss organisational culture. In doing so it highlighted the
reducing membership of those political organisations that act
as gate-posts to political representation, and to their often
"club-like" atmosphere. As an organisation with membership
from all three main political parties we recognise the cultural
picture collected by the Commission. We have had examples presented
to us at seminars and on an informal level of how those cultural
attitudes in political parties impact on the participation of
women, both in formal selection processes and informally, including
attitudes to women once elected. The Speaker's Conference would
also do well to re-iterate that in terms of gender at least, the
electors themselves do not appear to be a barrier to effective
representation.
At a Parliamentary level, we consider tackling
the formal and informal culture of selection will be central to
the success of the Speaker's Conference.
2.3. Although we recognise "selection
culture" is important, from our perspective looking at the
more frequent and numerous local selection mechanisms we do not
consider political parties should be held fully responsible, or
able independently to put matters right. It has to be recognised
that at a local level political parties are primarily volunteers,
have little training or practical support, and often have numerous
other jobs to do (including, very often, being a local councillor).
We have some disappointment at those responses to the report of
the councillors commission that charged local political parties
with increasing and diversifying their membership base without
identifying how resources and support could enable them to do
so.
We would suggest any recommendations of the
Speaker's Conference directed at political parties should look
again at how local political activity can best be funded and supported.
2.4. As the Councillors Commission and our
own organisation have identified, the culture of an organisation
can also be a barrier to membership. For women, we consider this
to be far more relevant to Parliamentary representation than to
local representation. The image, and to some extent the reality
of Parliamentary life is still dominated by the "ya-booh"
politics that characterises the cross chamber exchanges at the
despatch box. For many women, including some women who have
chosen to take part in local elected political office this
image is very counter productive. The Speaker clearly has a direct
role to play in curbing the worst excesses of this behaviour,
but individuals may also need to review, and structures do not
help.
2.5. Coupled with the point above, Parliament
could consider how far it can take a more positive image of other
aspects its work to the community. We welcome recent Cabinet meetings
in other settings, but more meaningful would be a concerted effort
to take the work of the select committees to other locations,
with local authorities assisting in ensuring some evidence presented
has local community input.
2.6. There are other area where Central
Government could learn a great deal from local government in improving
public perception of their workrequirements to publicise
cabinet agendas and minutes being just one example. For women
however, the greatest practical barrier to becoming an MP must
be the time factor. Although some steps have been taken to improve
these aspects, we suspect from local government experience more
will need to be done.
2.7. Some structural aspects of Parliament
itself limit the ability to achieve a more representative democracy.
WLGS has not taken a view on proportional representation or voting/
candidacy age, and no doubt evidence from others will be substantial.
However there is one aspect of structure has concerned us, and
that is the size and nature of the ward or constituency. We are
disappointed that recommendation 19 of the Councillors Commission
report, favouring multi-member wards for local councillors has
not been adopted, and particularly that it is being wholly ignored
in the development of new Unitary Local Government. Whilst we
recognise that the re-introduction of multi-member constituencies
for MPs is a significantly greater step for Central Government
than Local Government, we concur with the view of the Councillors
Commission that:
"single member wards provide a strong incentive
for political parties to select the sitting member, or someone
who resembles a retiring member. With multi-member wards there
is an incentive for the parties to maximise their appeal to voters
by fielding a more diverse range of candidates; this increases
the likelihood of people from under represented groups being selected.
Multimember wards also offer councillors the possibility of balancing
their skills across the ward or division, possibly to some degree
specialising and the chance of reducing time pressures by sharing
the work."[169]
If Parliamentary life is to appeal to women,
the Speaker's Conference will need to consider some bold options
about the culture, structure and practical working arrangements
of the organisation, and above all tackle the image of "ya-booh
politics".
3. A greater devolution of responsibilities.
Devolution would increase the involvement of
the wider community in decision taking, strengthen the role of
local councillors who share the experiences of their communities
on a day-to-day basis and lessen the burden on the Parliamentary
system. It could therefore contribute to tackling issues of representation
at a range of levels.
3.1. A report sponsored by the Local Government
Association and released today compares English local government
with others on an international basis and highlights the extremely
centralised nature of the current centrallocal balance.
It identifies key functions where responsibilities could be transferred,
including "skills, employment, infrastructure and economic
development."[170]
For women, we consider the issue of where decisions are taken
to be a vital one. It is a sentiment expressed well by one of
our presidents, Baroness Patricia Hollis, when speaking at our
inaugural meeting. She said: "If more women are to enter
politics, then surely we should take power to them, into the locality,
rather than just seek to bring women to where power currently
resides, Westminster, though we need that too. Devolving more
power to local government would both strengthen local government
and strengthen women's participation in politics."[171]
3.2. The pressure on Parliamentary time
and thus the efficiency of Members of Parliament has been well
documented, and improvements made partly through the work of the
Select Committee on the Modernisation of the House of Commons.
It is also recognised that devolving responsibility to a local
level is "work in progress", and our suggestions are
not new. The dimension we consider could be added by attention
to this issue by the speaker's conference is in developing a firm
constitutional relationship between central and local government
as a basis for a co-ordinated programme of devolution, designed
specifically to ensure local communities are involved in decision
making through their local council.
3.3. Previous Speaker's Conferences have
resulted in significant change to the nature of Government as
a whole. It is our belief that all women would benefit from a
new vision for government at all levels, which allows the greatest
possible participation. Our predecessors demonstrated that women
were not "too hysterical"[172]
to participate in decision making at a local level. This Speaker's
Conference can give women a real opportunity to participate in
politics in a meaningful way, encouraging more interest in the
House of Commons as s result.
A new constitutional settlement which recognises
the potential of enhanced participation through more localised
decision taking should be at the core of a visionary outcome for
this valuable Speaker's Conference.
168 Paul Lambe, Colin Rallings, Michael Thrasher and
Lawrence Ware; Gender Imbalance in Representative Democracy:
Women and Local Government in London and Birmingham 1918-2003.
(Centre for Advancement of Women in Politics, School of Politics
and International Studies, Queens University Belfast Occasional
paper 10) November 2004. Back
169
Representing the future-The report of the Councillors Commission-December
2007 P42. Back
170
Local Government Association and Localis, With a Little Help From
our Friends, International Lessons for English Local Government,
2009 http://www.lga.gov.uk/lga/aio/1542751 p50. Back
171
http://www.womeninlocalgovernment.org.uk/files/070310%20patricia%20hollis%20speech.pdf Back
172
The learned Earl of Halsbury, 12 June 1907, Hansard col 1355. Back
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