BASIS FOR DECISIONS ABOUT COSTS
29. The DCA case in favour of the reforms involved
the argument that discussions about costs would be reached using
objective criteria and that these decisions would be subject to
independent review. For example, Baroness Ashton told us that
the new regime would be "absolutely transparent" and
subject to "a robust and open process" of review.[44]
Vera Baird MP, Parliamentary Under Secretary at the DCA, gave
similar assurances to Members during a Westminster Hall debate
on FOI:
"We intend to increase the number of activities
that will count toward the appropriate limit of £600 for
reading, consultation and time. If that happens, it will be subject
to guidance and a framework. It will be subject to principle,
and the application of those principles will be subject to appeal.
It is not a situation in which public authorities can cook up
some means of extending the time that they take over an inquiry
in order to obfuscate the progress of information that they want
to conceal. Cases will be fully transparent and the framework
will be totally transparent. It would take a huge leap of imagination
to link that transparent way of considering the value of work
on dealing with requests with trying to get rid of the most embarrassing,
contentious or high-profile cases. There is no connection. I repeat
that it is all subject to appeal."[45]
30. Witnesses questioned whether the proposed regulations
could be implemented objectively, and instead explained to us
why they believed that the provisions would be open to manipulation.[46]
The proposal to include time for reading, consultation and consideration
in the cost estimate would require authorities to estimate how
long they expected to take on each of these activities and compare
those estimates against the cost threshold. If the cost threshold
was exceeded, authorities could refuse to provide the information
and it would then not be necessary to conduct any of the predicted
work. We asked Baroness Ashton how she could ensure that all public
authorities used a fair and consistent framework for preparing
these estimates. She told us that "it would be very possible"
to put in place a costing framework for reading time which would
set out expectations of the time taken to read per page:
"
if you have 5,000 sheets of paper
which have to be read by somebody, then it is reasonable to suggest
it takes X amount of time to read a sheet, therefore that is reasonable
to cost it at this."[47]
31. The Information Commissioner disagreed that setting
a fixed reading time per page would avoid the potential for authorities
to manipulate reading time estimates, stating that:
"There is an inherent difficulty in standardising
the approach to calculating the time it takes to read and examine
information held. Recorded information is held in a variety of
formats and varies in complexity. Font size, paper size, the use
of diagrams, tables and illustrations will all have a bearing
on reading or examination time. An average time might be used
for the purposes of a "ready reckoner". However it would
be very easy for a public authority creating, say, a report which
it wanted to keep out of the public domain to increase the font
size and the margins to increase the number of pages comprising
the report, thus boosting the assessed cost of complying with
a request for it."[48]
32. Creating a framework for consultation and consideration
time is even more difficult. The CFOI explained the problem:
"Authorities which wished to resist disclosure
could ensure that requests were considered by as large a group
of officials as could plausibly be included. The more people who
attended a meeting to discuss a request, the more hours would
be accumulated and the more likely that the request could be refused.
Meetings would not actually have to take place, as an estimate
of the time needed would do. Similarly, it will be possible for
authorities to deliberately boost the costs of requests by ensuring
that lawyers, ministers, or other authorities potentially affected
by disclosure are consulted, where they might not otherwise have
been."[49]
The Information Commissioner agreed, stating that
"the process of estimating the time which might be spent
on the various activities which can be included when calculating
whether the cost limit has been reached is thus uncertain, subjective
and open to exaggeration, if not abuse."[50]
33. The Guardian pointed out that consideration
and consultation time estimates would often anyway be higher for
the most controversial information:
"We believe that this will inevitably mean
that government departments will reject requests which are complex
or politically sensitive. These are often the requests which produce
the most valuable information for the public
The more controversial
a request is, the more time ministers and senior officials will
spend consulting and considering whether the information should
be released."[51]
34. The proposal to enable authorities to aggregate
unrelated requests where "reasonable" would also pose
problems. The Information Commissioner told us that he had "grave
doubts about the extent to which the aggregation of non-similar
requests would be workable in practice, particularly if determined
applicants took steps to circumvent the new provisions."[52]
The Odysseus Trust explained why this proposal would be open to
abuse:
"A denial based on 'reasonableness' is discretionary,
and one that creates a risk of abuse of discretion. This is especially
so in light of the subjective nature of the factors that an authority
may consider, namely conduct which 'has been uncooperative or
disruptive'. Claims for information should not be rejected either
because they are costly or because the claimant makes frequent
requests for information."[53]
35. With regard to the independent review process,
the Commissioner told us that he could not "be optimistic
that any defensible systematic approach could be adopted and used
by practitioners".[54]
He explained that:
"I think it would be very difficult for
public authorities themselves, and certainly for my office, to
start to measure and assess the reading time and especially the
consideration time of civil servants and other public officials.
Civil servants do not keep time sheets, there is no regular record
of exactly how much time is spent on which activity, but these
draft regulations seem to indicate that sort of substantiation
of how much time is spent in reading, consulting, considering
a particular request will be needed."[55]
36. We are convinced by the evidence presented to
us that the measures proposed by the Department could either actually
be manipulated by public authorities wishing to avoid disclosure
of information, or seem to be so, and that it would be difficult
and time-consuming to implement a system of review which challenged
such real or apparent manipulation in an effective and systematic
way. We note in particular that the Information Commissioner,
who would be integral to the review process, is not persuaded
that this system is able to be solved as simply as the DCA believes.
The objection that the most serious questions are the most time-consuming
is especially serious whether a public authority was deliberately
being slow with its response or not, the nature of careful, wide
consultation on matters of great importance will tend to put requests
for information that is potentially embarrassing for the public
authority in the frame for being ruled out for response on the
grounds of cost.
37. We have not received any convincing evidence
that the new regime would be sufficiently transparent and subject
to adequate review. It is unclear how a framework for independent
review would operate. We conclude that the proposed regime could
result in public authorities avoiding answers to embarrassing,
contentious or high-profile cases as the number of internal consultees
rises in proportion to the sensitivity of particular requests.
NUMBER OF REQUESTS AFFECTED
38. In its first consultation paper, the DCA stated
that "the significant majority of requests submitted by applicants
under the Act would not be affected by the proposed changes".
The proposals would only affect "any applicant submitting
one of the small percentage of requests (four per cent) that result
in reading, consideration and consultation time imposing disproportionate
burdens for public authorities, and the small number of applicants
who use the Act very regularly, and impose disproportionate burdens
by doing so."[56]
This clearly contradicted the data in the Frontier Economics review
which estimated that around four times this number of requests
would be affected.[57]
39. Witnesses considered that the impact would be
even greater than the proportion predicted by the Review, partly
because of the scope for public authorities to consult widely,
as we have explained in the previous section of this Report. The
view of the Information Commissioner was that the changes would
"arrest the flow into the public domain of a very significant
amount of information of genuine public interest which has been
such a striking achievement since the Act was fully implemented
in January 2005."[58]
The National Council for Voluntary Organisations told us that
the proposed changes would severely curtail the ability of individuals,
organisations and the media to hold government and other public
authorities to account.[59]
The BBC made the important point of principle that "the proposed
changes would actually obstruct the aim of increasing transparency
and openness in public life that lies behind the government's
introduction of FOI" and that from its perspective as an
authority receiving requests, it saw "absolutely no need
for the measures that are being proposed."[60]
40. The Odysseus Trust described the proposals as
"a severe and unnecessary restriction upon freedom of information
and expression" and questioned why the Government was proposing
to block requests, rather than to provide applicants with a right
to contribute to the costs of providing the information they required:
"Public officials would be endowed with
excessively wide powers to reject applications for access to information,
about the workings of government and other public bodies irrespective
of the substance of the applications and the public interest to
which they may relate
It frustrates the object and purpose
of the Act to grant public authorities the discretion not to consider
a claim at all if it exceeds the cost level. The cost involved
in obtaining information should not bar the claim in and of itself.
If a claim is expensive, at the most the requester should have
to make a reasonable contribution towards the costs
"[61]
41. Last year, Baroness Ashton told us that the Government
wished to minimise the amount of public money spent on handling
requests for trivial information. This year she told us that some
"completely legitimate requests" would be refused under
the proposed regime.[62]
She explained that the proposed regime would create a situation
where the discretion to provide information would ultimately rest
with public officials. This would most typically be the case where
the requesters were unable to refine their requests in a way which
met the needs of the relevant public officials.[63]
She told us that:
"At the end of the day we want to give the
backstop of being able to say "Actually, if you are not prepared
to collaborate with us, we have to say no".[64]
42. Whilst the Government's intention may have been
to target a minority of particularly burdensome requests, it is
clear to us that the actual impact of the proposed new regime
would be far more extensive. The regulations are drafted such
that they would, for all but the simplest requests, severely limit
an individual's right to know. To introduce a charging regime
which requires applicants to negotiate the terms of their requests
with public authorities, and which enables officials to refuse
requests from applicants who do not collaborate with them, is
a direct reversal of the open government principle that is a fundamental
purpose of the FOI Act.
43. There is no objective evidence that any change
is necessary. The cost-benefit analysis provided with the Government's
consultation papers is incomplete. There is clear evidence that
the proposed amendments could be open to manipulation and abuse.
There is no sign that any consideration has been given to proper
funding of the independent review process. The proposed measures
have the scope significantly to reduce the flow of information
into the public domain. We recommend that the proposed new charging
regime be withdrawn.
44. The Ministry of Justice should now focus on
improving compliance with the existing provisions of the FOI Act
and on reducing the delays encountered by requesters seeking information.
Any future proposed changes to the charging regime must be supported
by a firm evidence base and take proper account of the impact
they would have on the benefits which the public derive from FOI.
14 DCA first consultation paper, para 39 Back
15
Ibid Back
16
Constitutional Affairs Committee, Seventh Report of Session 2005-06,
Freedom of Information - one year on, Ev 50 para 6 Back
17
Q 51 Back
18
Frontier Economics review, p2 Back
19
DCA first consultation, pp31-32 Back
20
CFOI response to DCA consultation p18, www.cfoi.org.uk Back
21
Ev 24 para 2 Back
22
Ev 24 para 3 Back
23
Frontier Economic review p3; 18 April 2006 Q80; HC Deb,23 October
2006 col 1361 Back
24
Ev 24 paras 5-7 Back
25
Frontier Economics review pp1-3 Back
26
DCA first consultation paper, p 42 para 44 Back
27
Ibid p 45, para 53 Back
28
e.g. Ev 33, Ev 50, Ev 55 paras 3.20-3.24 Back
29
Ev 64 para 8 Back
30
Ev 61 paras 2, 4 Back
31
Ev 22 Back
32
Ev 73 Annex B Back
33
e.g. CFOI 500 stories from the FOI Act's first year, www.cfoi.org.uk
; Times Online, 59 things that would have stayed secret, what
they didn't want you to know: A list of intriguing facts disinterred
by the FOI Act, 5 March 2007. Back
34
Ev 79 Back
35
Ev 55 para 2.3 Back
36
Ev 75 Back
37
Ev 72 Back
38
Ev 38 para 11, Ev 40 para 12, Ev 43 para 2.3 Back
39
Frontier Economics review p8 Back
40
Q 47 Back
41
Q 34 Back
42
Qq 88-89 Back
43
DCA first consultation paper, p44, para 49 Back
44
Q 63 Back
45
HC Deb, 7 February 2007, Col 317WH Back
46
e.g. Ev 33, Ev 40 para 18, Ev 47 para 21 Back
47
Q81 Back
48
Ev 30 para 9 Back
49
CFOI Briefing for Adjournment Debate 7 February 2007, p7, www.cfoi.org.uk
Back
50
Ev 31 para 14 Back
51
Ev 71 Back
52
Ev 30 para 6 Back
53
Ev 40 para 15 Back
54
Ev 31 para 17 Back
55
Q 31 Back
56
DCA first consultation paper, para 40 Back
57
Frontier Economics review, p6 Table 2 Back
58
Ev 25 para 8 Back
59
Ev 54 para 5 Back
60
Ev 44, paras 4.2 and 4.3 Back
61
Ev 39 paras 5, 11 Back
62
Q 62 Back
63
Qq 62-64 Back
64
Q 62 Back