Responses to the investment programme
135. In its submission to our inquiry, the Royal
Academy of Engineering welcomed the Government's investment programme
at the AWE, which it regarded as "essential if we are to
maintain the UK's nuclear weapons design and manufacturing capability
not only for future systems but also for the maintenance and stewardship
of our existing weapons stockpile".[132]
136. Greenpeace, however, was concerned that the
Government's investment programme would produce a "quantum
leap in AWE Aldermaston's capacity to design and build a new nuclear
weapon". Along with the recruitment of "a new generation
of scientists, engineers and technicians", Greenpeace argued
that this "strongly suggest[s] that a major purpose of current
investments is a nuclear weapon development programme".[133]
137. This view was shared by Scientists for Global
Responsibility who, in evidence to our inquiry, voiced their "serious
concerns" at the Government's investment. The new facilities
at Aldermaston and Burghfield "cannot be justified on the
basis of maintaining existing stockpiles" and there was a
"suspicion that work is undertaken or planned which could
assist is or is already part of the development of a new warhead
capability or design".[134]
138. Similarly, the Nuclear Information Service stated
in evidence that "much of the investment programme
is
not relevant to the objective of maintaining key skills and infrastructure".[135]
It believed current and projected investment is "at an unreasonable
level".[136]
139. The Aldermaston Women's Peace Campaign stated
that investment at the AWE has shown "a massive increase"
that "far exceeds that required for stewardship of the extant
stockpile". It maintained that the Government "has already
made a substantial investment in the development of the next generation
of nuclear weapons" which had "taken place in advance
of a public debate
and a public decision by Government on
the replacement of the current Trident system".[137]
140. Greenpeace also questioned the AWE's preference
for a science-based stockpile stewardship programme, as opposed
to an engineering-based one. This, it stated, "will, inevitably,
lead to uncertainty about the performance of nuclear warheads"
which would "create political pressure for a return to nuclear
testing".[138]
Any resumption in nuclear testing, Greenpeace argued, would have
serious consequences for the future of the enforcement of the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. And, even if the UK did not resume
testing, Greenpeace said that Aldermaston's experimentation with
"exotic technologies to design and build a new nuclear weapon"
would "lead other countries to ask: 'why should we continue
to respect the CTBT
?'".[139]
141. Concern was also expressed about the manner
in which decisions on the investment at the AWE had been taken
and implemented. In evidence to our inquiry, Greenpeace said that
the process by which the Government decided on the investment
was "undermining deliberative democracy and the sovereignty
of Parliament". It stated that:
the proper procedure should be an open and informed
debate first, then a decision by Parliament on whether to go ahead
with the investments necessary to make a bomb, and finally the
investments.
Greenpeace maintained that, instead, "we have
an 'Alice in Wonderland' situation of investments first, official
decision second, and public debate and Parliamentary vote last
of all".[140]
Similarly, the Scottish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament stated
in evidence that the MoD were "trying to pre-empt crucial
decisions on the future of nuclear weapons by initiating a very
expensive rebuilding programme".[141]
142. We asked the Minister for Defence Procurement
how he would respond to these arguments. Lord Drayson told us
that the "Alice in Wonderland" accusation levelled by
Greenpeace "reflects a misunderstanding" of the purpose
of the investments at Aldermaston. This, he maintained, was to
"ensure that the existing deterrent can be maintained in
a safe and effective form". The moratorium on nuclear testing
meant that:
the only way in which we can make sure that the deterrent
is safe is to carry out very sophisticated physical and computational
experiments and that requires investment in the infrastructure
at Aldermaston to make sure that we continue to be able to do
that properly.[142]
143. Nick Bennett, Director General Strategic Technologies
at the MoD, told us that the investment at the AWE was "unrelated
to decision on a future strategic deterrent". The investment
in infrastructure at Aldermaston and Burghfield was "essential
to maintain the current deterrent". He maintained that, as
far as the existing Trident system through to the 2020s was concerned,
the investment "underpins that entirely", but "it
does not underpin currently a future deterrent".[143]
144. Mr Bennett stated that the investment at the
AWE would also ensure that the skills base at Aldermaston was
sustained so that options for the future of the deterrent were
kept open. The investment in skills and sophisticated equipment
needed to maintain the existing Trident system, he said, would
be relevant should a decision be taken in future to produce a
new warhead. He told us, "in essence the capabilities at
Aldermaston
will allow us, should we ever wish to, to develop
a new warhead, but they are absolutely essential to the maintenance
of the current one". He argued that the two capabilities
were "indistinguishable".[144]
Similarly, Lord Drayson stated that "it is absolutely true
to say that those skills and that know-how does have relation
to the capability within this country
to design a new nuclear
warhead". But, he argued, "we have to take that decision
relating to the maintenance separately".[145]
145. As regards the timing of the investment, Mr
Bennett stated that, by around 2002, it had become clear that
"we had reached the point where finally we had to do something
about it otherwise we would have found ourselves in a position
where we would not be able to maintain the current programme".[146]
146. Many observers
have seen the investment programme at Aldermaston as a sign that
the Government had already decided in principle to retain and
renew the UK's nuclear deterrent. We accept Ministers' assurances
that this was not the case. We accept too that investment in buildings
and infrastructure at AWE was becoming time-critical, which might
suggest that the decision on the future of the deterrent should
have been taken in the last Parliament. But we are less convinced
that investment in the new Orion Laser, the supercomputer and
hydrodynamic facilities could not have waited for a decision in
principle on the future of the UK's nuclear deterrent. If the
investment was made to respond to requirements of regulators,
the Government should state this in its response to this report.
Large-scale investment should follow, and not precede, policy
decisions of such paramount importance to the nation.
147. The widespread
suspicion about the work of the AWE and the Government's investment
there is partly a consequence of the secrecy which surrounds its
work. We fully accept the need to maintain secrecy about some
aspects of its work, but there is a case for greater openness,
not least to ensure that the public is aware of the positive contribution
the AWE makes to the verification of the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty.
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