Select Committee on Business and Enterprise Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by the University of East Anglia

1.  SUMMARY OF MAIN POINTS

  We believe that there are important doubts about the intensity of competition in the retail market. On structural grounds, there are concerns about high concentration (fewness of effective competitors), and barriers to the entry of potential new competitors. There is at least a case to be answered that the vertical integration of the six remaining firms provides them with the ability to foreclose any future entrants. Following liberalisation in the late 1990s, it was hoped that cross-region and cross-fuel entry by the traditional electricity incumbents and British Gas would replace monopoly with competition amongst a large number of sizeable firms. In the event, however, cross-entry by electricity incumbents has been relatively insignificant, and all regional markets remain effectively duopolies—British Gas and the previous electricity incumbent. For this and other reasons, the characteristics of the market are such that "tacit collusion" is a possible outcome. It is important to stress that this term does NOT imply a cartel, but rather a "soft" form of competition—loosely speaking, a mutual recognition that it is in no-one's interest to compete very aggressively. Tacit collusion, so defined, may not be illegal in competition law, but it is most certainly not in consumers' interests. The evidence on various features of "performance" also merits deeper scrutiny. In particular, the extent of switching by consumers is controversial. There are those, including OFGEM, who argue that effective switching has been substantial, and that this is direct evidence of healthy competition. However, this is unconvincing for three reasons: (i) much of the switching that has occurred reflects the introduction of dual-fuel bundles, which would be cheaper than single-fuel supply even in the absence of competition; (ii) survey evidence suggests that much switching by consumers has been ill-advised and ill-informed, (iii) with the exit of so many firms since 1999, it is increasingly doubtful that consumers have any genuinely low price suppliers to whom they can switch. A second topic on which sound evidence would be invaluable is retail price cost margins and profitability, but here the data are difficult to unravel—not least because of the integrated structure of all the majors, raising uncertainty about what is the appropriate transfer price from wholesale to retail. However, we do know—and this seems to be uncontested—that the traditional incumbents are not only still dominant in their traditional markets of incumbency (in terms of market share), but, even to this day, they continue to offer the consumer price tariffs which are more expensive than those offered by non-incumbents. Other things equal, high market shares coupled with high price are inconsistent with vibrant competition—especially when, as here, all firms sell essentially an identical product (what economists call an "homogenous" good).

2.  BRIEF INTRODUCTION OF AUTHORS

  Stephen Davies is Professor of Economics in the School of Economics at UEA and a Principal Investigator of the ESRC Centre for Competition Policy. His research interests include: the economics of competition policy; European industrial structure; mergers and merger simulation; and multinational firms. He is a member of the Academic Panel which advises the Office of Fair Trading. He was formerly the General Editor of The Journal of Industrial Economics. He is currently working on: mergers, competition with non-linear pricing in the electricity market; and the resale price maintenance.

  Catherine Waddams (formerly Price) is founding Director of the ESRC Centre for Competition Policy at the University of East Anglia and Professor of Regulation in the School of Management. She joined UEA from the University of Warwick in 2000. She has studied the development of utility privatisation and regulation, and is particularly interested in the effect on different income groups of introducing competition to such industries, both in developed and developing economies; and in the role of consumers in competition policy. Much of Catherine's research centres on the energy sector. She is a part time member of the reporting panel of the UK Competition Commission.

  The ESRC Centre for Competition Policy (CCP) at the University of East Anglia (UEA) undertakes interdisciplinary research into competition policy that has real-world policy relevance without compromising academic rigour. Our members are drawn from a range of disciplines, including economics, law, business and political science.

  The Centre was established in September 2004, building on the pre-existing Centre for Competition and Regulation (CCR), with a grant from the ESRC (Economic and Social Research Council). It currently includes a total of 17 faculty members (including the Director and a Political Science Mentor), seven full- and part-time researchers and 14 PhD students.

  The Centre produces a working paper series, runs weekly seminars, holds a number of events throughout the year (including a yearly conference), and publishes a regular newsletter and e-bulletin. Its members welcome links with academics, practitioners, policy makers and the voluntary sector.

3.  FACTUAL INFORMATION FOR THE COMMITTEE

  The committee asks:

    —  Whether the current market structure encourages effective competition in the retail markets for gas and electricity;

1.  How vigorous is competition?

  3.1  There is concern that the retail energy suppliers may be competing less aggressively than they might. In general, the ability of consumers to choose a better (usually cheaper) supplier is an important curb on any unilateral market power which incumbents of previously monopolised markets might otherwise wield. However such choice provides no countervailing power if suppliers co-ordinate their prices. There is little evidence of any explicit collusion, which is illegal, but there is a suggestion of tacit co-ordination: this is sometimes referred to as "tacit collusion", in which firms do not compete vigorously with each other, resulting in "co-ordinated effects". The UK Competition Commission (following the decision of the European Court of First Instance judgement in the Air tours case, 2002) describes three necessary conditions for co-ordinated effects. First, firms must be aware of the behaviour of others. In energy markets the prices are highly transparent: publicly available information on offerings clearly provides firms with information about each other's actions. Secondly it must be costly for firms to deviate from the prevailing (non competitive) behaviour. Since six large firms interact repeatedly in 15 markets (14 regional electricity markets and a national gas market), there is plenty of opportunity for any deviation from the "non competitive" position to be detected, so that the market will revert to the less profitable but more competitive situation as firms note any individual departure from the "collusive" situation. And, thirdly, competitive constraints are weak. Small independent companies have struggled to enter and survive in the household energy market; if they do manage to enter they generally exit (through failure or takeover) within a couple of years. The national recognition of the brand names of the main leaders can act as a significant barrier for new entrants.

  3.2  Add to these market characteristics, the homogeneity of energy, and the conditions certainly seem ripe for co-ordinated effects. The energy regulator noted such concerns in a 2004 review (Ofgem, 2004) but has not publicly revisited this issue in detail since then. Companies interact regularly to discuss "best practice" in areas such as social concerns. There is little evidence to support allegations (as reported in the Sunday Times in January 2008) that such meetings are used to fix prices, but they do provide an opportunity for the industry to share common approaches. Such legitimate interaction is likely to increase as the environmental and fuel poverty agendas become more pressing, raising such concerns further. Moreover, the problem is not just in the UK. Four of the six large energy companies are major European players (EdF, EOn, RWE and Iberdrola each own incumbent suppliers in three of the electricity regions) and interaction is at international as well as UK level. This is likely to be a continuing issue for the European Commission as well as the UK authorities.

  3.3  The analysis of such problems depends partly on whether the energy markets are regional or national. The evidence points strongly in the direction of markets being regional. We estimate that, in the typical electricity region, 10 times more consumers buy from the original electricity incumbent than from other, entrant, suppliers who were previously incumbents outside that region. This means that, within each region, market structure still amounts to little more than a duopoly involving British Gas and the local regional electricity incumbent.

2.  Consumer switching

  3.4  Householders continued to change energy supplier after the removal of price caps in 2002, unsurprisingly at a slower rate than when the market was initially opened, and not always away from the incumbent. Interestingly, there has been only a slight increase in switching rates in the last two years. Given the rapid recent acceleration in retail electricity prices, one might have expected a sharp upturn in switching as more and more consumers were galvanised into actively searching for cheaper suppliers. While the figure does suggest an upturn, it is only very moderate.


  3.5  By September 2007 the market share of the incumbent gas supplier remained as high as 47% on a national level; and at the same date the average market share of the incumbent electricity suppliers in their "home" area ranged from 39% for direct debit to 53% for standard credit customers. Across the markets, incumbents retained exactly half the prepayment customers.

  3.6  The role of switching in a newly opened market is clearly crucial. If consumers are loyal to their incumbent suppliers, then no amount of entry by those offering alternatives can exert competitive pressure on the firm. In energy, the first decade of consumer choice has shown a little less than half of consumers remain loyal to the incumbent at the kind of savings which entrants are able to offer.

  3.7  The energy regulator has encouraged consumers to switch supplier and at various times has hailed high switching rates as a sign that competition is working well in the household energy market. However, if consumer errors are large, high rates of switching are not necessarily a sign of a well functioning market—nor are they necessary for the market to function effectively. The threat of switching could act as a powerful discipline on the incumbent's behaviour, and if it responded by lowering its price to a competitive level to retain consumers, then the market might indeed be functioning well. In that case there would be little mark-up by incumbents. However, as noted below, consumers often appear to make erroneous switches, incumbent markups remain, and it is therefore improbable that the threat of switching is in fact disciplining the market.

3.  Relation of prices to costs

  3.8  One indication of the competitiveness of the retail market is provided by analysing how closely the charges to consumers reflect the costs of the suppliers. The closer prices are to costs, the more competitive the markets are. Such analysis also provides an indication of whether (and how much) the incumbent is able to charge more than other suppliers, once other factors are taken into account.

  3.9  Such an analysis was undertaken for three consumption levels and three payment methods (ie nine times in all) in the electricity market, seeing how the charges for high/medium/low consumption level consumers, and for different payment methods, depended on the charges paid by retailers for use of the distribution system in December 2006 (results tables shown in Annex 1).

  3.10  Results across the markets are very similar, with distribution costs, the main cost category that we can identify, being reflected almost one to one in retail charges, except for medium consumption prepayment consumers. Other costs are transmission, which accounts for only 3% of retail tariffs, and generation and supply costs, which we cannot observe. Generation costs at least are likely to be similar for each company in each region, so if they are just reflecting costs in their prices we would expect the "company effect" to be similar across consumption levels and price methods.

  3.11  All credit customers pay more if they are supplied by the incumbent. The differential, compared to British Gas, is between £9 and £33 per year, and, in turn, British Gas prices are higher than those of (non incumbent) electricity competitors by an average of around £63 a year. This reveals a fair degree of incumbency power. The only place where there was no incumbent electricity mark-up was for low consumption prepayment consumers, suggesting that entrants are not targeting consumers in this group. This was also the only market in which British Gas's price was not higher than all other non incumbent suppliers. This analysis applies to charges for electricity only and not to dual fuel deals, to which many consumers switch.

4.  Consumer errors

  3.12  Switching (or its threat) disciplines the market because consumers choose suppliers who meet their needs better, usually by being cheaper for a homogenous product like electricity. However evidence from CCP questions the assumption that consumers necessarily make good choices for themselves. Even amongst those who switched electricity supplier purely to save money, consumers made surprisingly poor decisions: at most half selected the tariff that was best for them; those who switched captured less than half the available benefits; and more than a fifth switched to a more expensive supplier. This raises concerns not only for the consumers themselves, and for potential overestimates of the direct benefits from switching (if it is calculated by multiplying the number of switchers by potential benefits). But also because the discipline of switching on suppliers is likely to be less beneficial if switching is not based on the maximum benefit available to the consumer. The assessment of the benefits and the effects of competition depend partly on the nature and extent of consumer response to the incentives in the market, and in this market we can see that such response is often faulty, and the consequent discipline correspondingly lax.

5.  Does ownership of the electricity network by the incumbent hamper competition?

  3.13  Accounting unbundling and separate licensing of the incumbent and the distribution network in each electricity region has been enforced since 2000, and since then there has been separation of ownership in half of the regions (seven of the 12 regions in England and Wales). In the other five in England and Wales the incumbent supplier and the distribution wires are owned by the same company, while full vertical integration remains in the two Scottish regions. This provides a natural experiment to identify whether such co-ownership hampers the development of competition. In any one year since entry was permitted, the amount of market which entrants had managed to capture was 4% less where the incumbent was co-owned with the distribution company than where ownership was separate. Similar effects are found if Scotland (where vertical integration is more extensive) is excluded. These simple statistics suggest that co-ownership of the distribution system, even with the rigorous license and accounting separation now required in the UK, may still endow some (albeit relatively small) advantages on the incumbent in repelling entrants to its home territory. If further exploration confirms these findings, it might be appropriate to explore consider whether ownership separation should be imposed. However in this case (as compared with voluntary separation) some of the costs of separating ownership might have to be borne by the consumer, rather than shareholders, which would affect the valuation of its benefits.

    —  The implications of growing consolidation in the energy market;

  3.14  Since the market was opened in 1999, the number of distinct retail suppliers to households has fallen dramatically, so that there are now five consolidated survivors of the previous electricity incumbents (which may reduce further, depending on the outcome of discussions about the future of Iberdrola), and one gas incumbent. Our discussion above shows that this has created conditions where tacit collusion is likely to flourish, and that other indications on prices and market share confirm this possibility.

    —  The interaction between the UK and European energy markets;

  3.15  As a general principle, any move to a genuinely integrated single European energy market would be competition enhancing, ceteris paribus. However, we noted above the trend towards consolidation in ownership of the leading firms across member states. Clearly, if this trend were to continue unabated, the end result may be that the bigger integrated market is dominated by just a few large multinational suppliers. The potential problem of tacit collusion may then resurface at a supranational level.

    —  The effectiveness of regulatory oversight of the energy market;

  3.16  Many questions were raised about the benefits of opening household retail energy markets to competition at the time, and more recently David Newbery has noted that "retail margins have widened considerably since the domestic franchise ended in 1999" (2005), indicating that the consolidated energy market is exerting less competitive pressure on the liberalised market than did the previous regulatory regime. The dilemma for the regulator is that entrants will only be attracted by high margins, and so some increase may be necessary to "kick start" a change from regulated monopoly to competition. Consumers have certainly been offered a much wider choice of tariffs since 1999. But if the market is functioning well, margins should in turn be reduced through competition. Since the regulator has itself become a champion of competition (its duties include the protection of consumers by promoting competition wherever appropriate), there is a danger that it has an incentive to defend the success of competition as a measure of its own effectiveness. We therefore welcome the announcement of OFGEM's own probe into the energy supply markets, and the microscope which they promise to bring to the exercise.

    —  Progress in reducing fuel poverty and the appropriate policy instruments for doing so.

  3.17  Fuel poverty depends, both in a statistical and a practical sense, on income and on energy prices. In the early years of the century, while prices fell and incomes rose, fuel poverty also fell. Since energy prices have been rising from 2004, fuel poverty has correspondingly risen. As the rise in incomes slows, as seems likely, in 2008, this counterbalance to rising energy poverty will be less effective than in the recent past.

  3.18  It is very difficult to see how the government can meet its target to eliminate fuel poverty amongst vulnerable households by 2010 with the present and likely future changes in energy prices. The underlying world price of oil and the increasing importance of the environmental agenda are both relentlessly increasing the upstream cost of energy. The signals from such prices will help to curb demand and further green house gas emissions; but for the fuel poor they may depress demand below a level which is desirable from a social perspective and/or cause real hardship for households with low levels of disposable income.

  3.19  The most effective way to help the fuel poor is to raise their income. Compared with offering them lower prices (for the same effect), this also has the advantage of not distorting their demand, so that they purchase "too much" energy relative to its real cost to society. Since lower income households are more responsive than average to changes in price, subsidising their prices has a larger than average effect in raising demand.

  3.20  However if fuel poverty is to be addressed through lower prices, voluntary schemes are unlikely to be effective. The recent move to encourage companies to offer social tariffs to low income consumers has had little effect, and it seems unlikely that the Chancellor's exhortations for them to increase their provision will do so. Any company which makes a significant commitment to supply one group at lower profit margins than others, puts itself at a competitive disadvantage for other parts of the market, where prices would have to be higher than otherwise in order to subsidise such offers. It is interesting that the only company which does offer significant cross-subsidies (Ebico) is a not for profit subsidiary of one of the major players, and does not pay to be included as a full participant in the "search and switching engines" which are approved by energywatch. If the government believes that low income energy consumers should be subsidised by other energy consumers, then it should mandate such schemes, so that the impact on the market (effectively a tax on other energy users) is equal across players, and does not cause further distortions. One immediate result of such a policy will be to make the subsidised consumers less attractive for companies, who, as we have seen from the history of the prepayment market, can take a number of steps to try to avoid recruiting such consumers.

APPENDICES

A:  RESULTS TABLES FOR THE ESTIMATED RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RETAIL CHARGES AND DISTRIBUTION CHARGES

(I)  DETERMINANTS OF ANNUAL BILL FOR STANDARD CREDIT, DECEMBER 2006
Annual Consumption1650kWh 3300kWh4950kWh
Constant23194.31***
(1182.11)
35778.68***
(1817.53)
54088.27***
(2520.73)
Distribution charge1.098***
(0.253)
1.436***
(0.222)
1.042***
(0.207)
Distribution area (km2)-0.036**
(0.014)
-0.069***
(0.017)
-0.074***
(0.204)
Distribution customers (000)-0.927***
(0.229)
-0.339
(0.356)
-0.612
(0.549)
Incumbent948.71**
(378.45)
2121.79***
(463.04)
3266.66***
(681.92)
Suppliers
London-4631.86***
(484.33)
-7847.52***
(592.57)
-11085.71***
(872.69)
Npower-2731.86***
(484.33)
-3811.81***
(592.57)
-4914.28***
(872.69)
Powergen-2453.29***
(484.33)
-3947.52***
(592.57)
-5421.42***
(872.69)
Scottish Power-2964.10***
(480.54)
-4353.11***
(587.94)
-5816.66***
(865.87)
SSE-5967.58***
(484.33)
-8826.09***
(592.57)
-11778.57***
(872.69)
Adjusted R20.72710.8188 0.7918

Notes: Standard errors in parentheses.

* Significant at 10%; ** Significant at 5%; *** Significant at 1%

(II)  DETERMINANTS OF ANNUAL BILL FOR DIRECT DEBIT, DECEMBER 2006
Annual Consumption1650kWh 3300kWh4950kWh
Constant22939.57***
(1182.07)
34333.56***
(3914.55)
52540.69***
(2970.20)
Distribution charge0.878***
(0.253)
1.707***
(0.479)
1.062***
(0.244)
Distribution area (km2)-0.029**
(0.014)
-0.108***
(0.038)
-0.744**
(0.029)
Distribution customers (.000)-1.038***
(0.229)
-1.072
(0.768)
-0.878
(0.647)
Incumbent900**
(378.44)
4001.92***
(997.28)
3215.38***
(803.51)
Suppliers
London-4228.57***
(484.31)
-7264.69***
(1276.27)
-10181.87***
(1028.30)
Npower-3278.57***
(484.31)
-3978.98***
(1276.27)
-4574.72***
(1028.30)
Powergen-1950***
(484.31)
-3564.69***
(1276.27)
-5081.86***
(1028.30)
Scottish Power-4592.85***
(480.52)
-7178.84***
(1266.29)
-9973.62***
(1020.26)
SSE-5614.28***
(484.31)
-7144.69***
(1276.27)
-12517.58***
(1028.30)
Adjusted R20.72360.5212 0.7581

Notes: Standard errors in parentheses.

* Significant at 10%; ** Significant at 5%; *** Significant at 1%

(III)  DETERMINANTS OF ANNUAL BILL FOR PREPAYMENT, DECEMBER 2006
Annual Consumption1650kWh 3300kWh4950kWh
Constant21357.97***
(1398.01)
36822.46***
(1988.79)
57343.09***
(2647.43)
Distributioncharge 1.451***
(0.301)
1.669***
(0.243)
1.279***
(0.217)
Distribution area (km2)-0.055***
(0.018)
-0.080***
(0.020)
-0.079***
(0.027)
Distribution customers (.000)-1.033***
(0.284)
-0.351
(0.395)
-0.411
(0.580)
Incumbent715.38
(481.00)
1910.89***
(546.24)
3112.17***
(750.78)
Suppliers
London-3453.29***
(615.56)
-9988.04***
(699.06)
-16552.61***
(960.81)
Npower1360.98**
(615.56)
-2388.04***
(699.06)
-6181.18***
(960.81)
Powergen-1460.44**
(615.56)
-6195.19***
(699.06)
-10931.18***
(960.81)
Scottish Power-1987.91***
(610.75)
-6601.55***
(693.59)
-11280.31***
(953.30)
SSE-2760.44***
(615.56)
-9645.19***
(699.06)
-16538.32***
(960.81)
Adjusted R20.59940.8295 0.8592

Notes: Standard errors in parentheses.

* Significant at 10%; ** Significant at 5%; *** Significant at 1%

APPENDIX B

DOES OWNERSHIP UNBUNDLING MATTER? EVIDENCE FROM UK ENERGY MARKETS[372]

Stephen Davies and Catherine Waddams Price ESRC Centre for Competition Policy, University of East Anglia November 2007

  Ownership unbundling of vertical stages in the energy sector has become a contentious topic of debate at the end of 2007. To illustrate the issues, this paper focuses on ownership separation between the distribution and retail parts of the energy supply chain, where a mixed experience has emerged in the UK. Ten years ago both the national gas incumbent and all the electricity incumbents (monopoly suppliers before the markets were opened to competition) in each region shared ownership with the local pipes/wires (though accounting separation had been imposed some time earlier). In 1997 the incumbent gas supplier voluntarily disinvested the pipeline business, and seven of the fourteen regional electricity companies have followed suit since then, once separate licenses for the distribution and retail functions were introduced. If co-ownership confers advantages on the incumbent, higher incumbent market shares would be expected in regions where there had been no separation. This paper explores the evidence for such exploitation of integration, but first considers the general issues involved and the structure of the UK energy industry.

ARGUMENTS FOR AND AGAINST INTEGRATION

  The debate around unbundling in energy concerns the separation between parts of the industry which have an element of natural monopoly (national transmission and regional distribution) and those where there are no obvious economic reasons why the market should not be competitive (generation and retail). There are four vertical stages to the energy industry: generating the fuel (from exploiting gas deposits or imports for gas, from a variety of sources for electricity); transmission (generally at high pressure or voltage over fairly long distances); distribution (more local transportation of energy at lower pressure/voltage, generally to customers' houses or premises); and the retail function of selling and billing to the final customer, which generally includes obtaining the fuel and necessary transportation en route. Most energy industries have a history of vertical integration over at least some of these functions, and of established monopolies, so introducing effective competition may involve some separation of different vertical (and perhaps horizontal) elements. The essential arguments in principle can be identified by focusing on this boundary between distribution and retail, but they should be broadly applicable to other parts of the supply chain.

  In a general model of an upstream natural monopoly and a potentially competitive downstream market, there are three possible patterns, each of which has different implications for integration. If the upstream monopoly is not regulated and the downstream market is competitive, the upstream distribution company will extract all the monopoly rent, the downstream retailer is constrained by competitive pressures, and the outcome will be the same whether or not the company is integrated. However if the downstream retailer has some monopoly power (for example from incumbency advantages) there is a danger that if they are separated both the unregulated distribution company and the retailer will try to raise price, resulting in so called "double marginalisation", and a higher price for the end consumer than if the company were integrated. In this case of market power in both parts of the supply chain, the perhaps counterintuitive conclusion is that it would be better both for consumers and for overall economic welfare to integrate the two parts of the chain. The third situation is the most common in practice and relevant to the current discussion. This involves a regulated monopoly distribution company, and an incumbent who retains some market power in the retail market. In this case there is concern about whether a vertically integrated company can influence the effectiveness of the regulation and so "lever" its monopoly advantage to deliver (or protect) market power in the downstream market.

  Whereas regulation can in principle ensure that the regulated distributor does not confer any advantage on a co-owned retailer, the integrated company has an incentive to increase the price of the monopoly product and lower the downstream price, thus raising its rivals' costs in the downstream market, and making its own retailer more relatively attractive (Bradley and Price, 1991, Noll and Owen, 1994). Much regulatory theory and practice has been concerned with addressing such issues. The efficient component pricing rule (originally developed for the telecoms market, Baumol and Sidak, 1994) identifies ways of ensuring that an upstream distributor with monopoly power levies a price which allows efficient downstream entry but deters inefficient entry. In general, regulators responsible for such integrated entities require accounting separation between the two functions, to minimise the chances of exploitation by reducing the inherent information asymmetry in such situations. Nevertheless while common ownership persists, so does both the incentive and the ability to distort prices. The latter can be achieved by the allocation of costs disproportionately to the regulated function to raise the charges in that sector. If such costs are in some sense "common", it is difficult for the regulator to detect or correct such "biases". The main concern about allowing common ownership in such cases is thus that the firm has both the incentive and ability to distort emerging competition in the downstream market.

  However there are counterarguments which may indicate that integration is better. The natural monopoly of the distribution pipes means that the efficient price to charge for this element is below the average cost, and some cases of vertical integration might enable this. Such pricing would be the reverse of the incentives to raise the distribution costs discussed above. Nevertheless there are cases where it would be more efficient to keep the firm integrated, if the access charge for using the network is (positively) related to the degree of entry downstream (de Fraja and Waddams Price, 1999). Proponents of integration also often argue that common ownership can deliver important sources of efficiency gain. One example is the transactions costs which arise in cases where it is very difficult to specify complete contracts between the different parts of the industry, and so it makes sense to bring these "in house". Some commentators (BBC, 2006) suggest that such difficulties account for some of the problems experienced by the segregated privatised British rail system, where responsibility has sometimes been difficult to attribute. There may also be information efficiencies from integration; here the general rule is that decisions should be made where the information lies. If information is needed about retail customers, for example for safety purposes, by gas and electricity distributors, can such information really be effectively hidden from the retail activities of the same company? "Chinese walls", designed to separate such activities, are notoriously difficult to seal in practice, particularly when the employees on each side of the wall are former colleagues.

  Policy makers also need to take into account any "one off" costs of changing from the current situation. If these are imposed on unwilling firms, who will bear the costs? Here the experience of the UK is of some interest. Since divestiture between the distribution and retail function has been voluntary, the costs have been borne by the shareholders. However if separation is imposed by regulators or governments, shareholders might argue that they should not bear the costs, but that these should be passed on to consumers.

  In the UK, the story of separation is associated with that of privatisation, but not in a clearly deterministic sense.

THE UK ENERGY SECTOR AND INTEGRATION

  One of the major criticisms of the 1986 privatisation of the UK gas industry, which had been nationalised since 1949 and a national monopoly since 1972, was that the opportunity for both horizontal and vertical separation was missed: the privatised incumbent proudly announced that it was responsible for gas and its delivery "from beach head to meter", ie for the last three stages in the supply chain. By the time the electricity industry was privatised four years later some vertical separation was imposed in England and Wales (between generation and transmission) but the distribution and retail function remained integrated under a single license for another 10 years. In Scotland two fully vertically integrated companies (one serving the north and one the south of the country) were created, each providing generation, transmission, distribution and the retail function. Throughout Great Britain (ie excluding Northern Ireland), the electricity industry retained its nationalised structure as fourteen separate companies (distributors and incumbent retailers) in distinct regionally defined markets. Despite these initial integrated positions, over the last 10 years the gas incumbent and seven of the fourteen regional electricity incumbents (table 1) have voluntarily separated themselves from the associated distribution function. In the case of the gas incumbent this was under some regulatory pressure, but the mixed result in the electricity case shows that both common and separated ownership are chosen outcomes. It is this range of ownership patterns than enables a test of whether integration adversely affects the development of downstream competition.

  Government ministers had rejected a recommendation by the Monopolies Commission in 1993 that the gas industry should be vertically separated before retail competition was introduced, and instead enacted primary legislation to introduce competition from 1996 while the incumbent supplier was still vertically integrated with the transmission and distribution provider. The regulator sent clear messages that the retail function of the company would fare better if it was separately owned, and in 1997, in the midst of market opening, the company itself divested the distribution and retail functions. Commentators at the time believed that the retail arm would not prosper, and that the separation was partly to protect the assets invested in distribution and transmission from the much riskier retail function. In practice the retail arm has retained almost half the gas market, and is now the largest single electricity retailer, supplying about a quarter of the market (Ofgem, 2007).

Table 1

THE UK ELECTRICITY SUPPLY REGIONS AND OWNERSHIP OF INCUMBENT AND DISTRIBUTION WIRES IN 2007

AreaDistribution Wires Owners Incumbent Supply OwnersSame Ownership?
East MidlandsCentral Networks of E.ON PowerGen of E.ONY
East EnglandEDF Energy PowerGen of E.ONN
LondonEDF EnergyEDF Energy Y
Merseyside, Cheshire & North Wales Scottish PowerScottish Power Y
Midlands (west)Central Networks of E.ON Npower of RWEN
North East EnglandCE Electric Npower of RWEN
North WestUnited Utilities PowerGen of E.ONN
North ScotlandScottish and Southern Energy Scottish and Southern EnergyY
South ScotlandScottish Power Scottish PowerY
South East EnglandEDF Energy EDF EnergyY
Southern EnglandScottish and Southern Energy Scottish and Southern EnergyY
South WalesWestern Power Distribution (WPD) Scottish and Southern EnergyN
South West EnglandWPD EDF EnergyN
YorkshireCE Electric NpowerN



  The retail market in gas was opened on a regional basis between 1996 and 1998, and in electricity across all regions in 1998 to 1999. From May 1999, therefore, all energy consumers have been able to choose between a range of suppliers. All the incumbents entered each others' (gas and regional electricity) markets, and since then there has been considerable consolidation in both retail and distribution, so that there are now six main retailers (five consolidated regional electricity incumbents and the national gas incumbent) and seven distribution company owners. Of these, four are also major retailers. All companies were required to impose accounting separation between their distribution and retail functions. In its review of electricity distribution companies in 1999, just as competition was starting in the retail market, the regulator, Ofgem, intervened in the company attributions, and reallocated over a fifth of companies' costs from the distribution to the retail function. One company was told to transfer over one third of its costs. This action by the regulator suggests that the companies both had incentives to load costs more heavily onto the distribution function in anticipation of competition, and that they acted on these incentives.

  During the many post-privatisation transactions in which electricity companies changed hands, a mixture of ownership patterns for the incumbent suppliers and distribution companies emerged. The original 14 regional incumbents had reduced to five through takeover by 2003, and the main suppliers, as they stand in mid 2007, in addition to British Gas, are shown in table 1, along with their ownership. One main retailer owns no distribution assets; one owns distribution assets only in (both) the areas where it is incumbent; one owns them for two of its three incumbency regions, but not elsewhere; and the remaining two own distribution assets in some areas where they are incumbent and some where they are not. In this paper the main focus is in the seven areas where there is common ownership between the incumbent and the distributor. In particular, is there any evidence that the incumbent retains higher market share in those regions where it shares ownership with the distributor?

Does integration protect incumbent market share?

  Figure 1 shows the evolution of incumbent market share in the 14 regions, labelled according to the status of their joint ownership (solid lines) or not (dotted lines) in 2007. This graph provides a useful preliminary overall picture, but it is simplified because, where ownership did become separated, it happened at different times since market opening commenced in 1998. Nevertheless, it does reveal that the region in which the incumbent has retained the largest market share in 2007 (North of Scotland) is integrated, while as the regions with the four lowest incumbent market shares (Midlands, the North West, Northern and Yorkshire) are not; however, the evidence between these two extremes is mixed.

Figure 1

REGIONAL* INCUMBENT MARKET SHARES


*Solid lines indicate regions where the incumbent and the local distributor are owned by the same company in 2007; dotted lines indicate regions where the incumbent is not owned by the same company as the local distributor.

Source: Ofgem, 2007 and predecessor Ofgem reports

  Therefore, to examine this further, a least squares panel regression has been used to explore whether the market share retained by the incumbent in each year was related to whether or not it was integrated with the distributor up to and including that year. The results are shown in Table 2, in which the dependent variable is the incumbent's market share, in a given region at a given point in time, integrated is a binary dummy variable, indicating whether or not the retailer was integrated with the distributor in that year. The equation also includes a time trend, to allow for the natural erosion of market share over time, which will typically occur in any, previously monopolised, market into which new entry is introduced. However, this is modelled using a quadratic time trend (including time squared), to allow for the possibility that, as consumers become increasingly familiar with the market, the rate of switching will perhaps slow down after the initial few years. Since this is a panel model, the equation also controls for any other differences between the regions, which may remain even after taking account of integration and the time trend (for instance, consumers in certain regions of the country may exhibit more or less loyalty to the incumbent, perhaps because it has a strong regional identity.

Table 2

MARKET SHARE, TIME TREND AND VERTICAL INTEGRATION 1999-2007
Market shareCoef. Std. Err.t P>t
Time-9.1253030.6835588 -13.350.000
Time squared0.5128004 0.06441447.960.000
integrated4.1046981.664571 2.470.015
constant93.933492.178107 43.130.000
sigma_u6.1550725
sigma_e4.0301183
Rho0.69992939


  The estimated equation includes very striking, and statistically significant, results on both the time trend and the role of incumbency.

  First, as expected, the incumbent's market share does indeed tend to decline over time: typically, then, incumbents lost market share year-on-year in all regions. However, the particular values and signs of the coefficients on time and time squared reveal that the rate of decline gradually slowed down over the period, so that, in the last year (2007, year 9), the annual rate of loss had almost levelled out. On average over the whole time since market opening, the annual loss of market share by the incumbent was around 4%, but at much higher rates in the opening years, and much lower rates in the later years.

  Second, and most important for the current discussion this general reduction in market share, though experienced in all regions, is found to be significantly slower for companies which are integrated (as indicated by the positive coefficient on the "integration" variable.) Thus, on average, in any one year, the market share of an integrated firm has been more than 4 percentage points higher than that of a counterpart where different companies own the incumbent retailer and the associated regional distribution company.

  These are the "headline" results, but the estimated equation also reveals considerable background variation between regions (not shown in the table). Five regions show similar patterns of market share reduction: Manweb, Northern, North Western, South Eastern and East Midlands. Incumbents in the other nine regions retain significantly higher market shares, even after accounting for whether or not the incumbent is integrated. In particular, the north of Scotland, whose incumbent is Scottish Hydro, shows particularly high incumbent market share, over 20% above that of the comparator regions, in addition to the higher market share attributable to its integrated status. Scottish Power, the incumbent in the southern part of Scotland, also retains a higher market share than the comparator regions. Both these companies are vertically integrated not only with distribution, but also with transmission, which is not allowed in England and Wales.

CONCLUSION

  The analysis above appears to provide clear evidence that those UK incumbent electricity suppliers who remained vertically integrated with their local distributor have retained a higher market share than those where these functions have been undertaken by separately owned companies. This result is evident even after region specific characteristics, such as different levels of consumer loyalty, have been included. Competitors have been slower to gain market share where there is common ownership despite considerable intervention by the regulator. Its actions have included reallocating costs (originally attributed to the distribution function by companies) to the potentially competitive retail function, a regulatory regime for distribution which is generally regarded as robust, and constant vigilance by the regulator in the retail market.

  We should stress that the above statistical model is relatively simplistic, and it should be viewed as a piece of documentary evidence—to be put alongside any other information which becomes available results. It certainly does not prove that the companies concerned have been indulging in illegal or improper behaviour. Nevertheless, the results do suggest that, even with vigilant regulation and clear accounting separation, incumbents who are vertically integrated appear to exhibit an advantage in retaining their market share against the inroads of entrant firms. As the debate about ownership separation continues in Europe, this summary of UK experience provides one piece of evidence which suggests that joint ownership of the distribution function may indeed confer competitive advantage on the incumbent.

REFERENCES

BBC, News 5 November 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/6117728.stm, last accessed 13 November 2007

Baumol, W J and G Sidak, The Pricing of Inputs Sold to Competitors, YALE J. REG. 171 (1994)

Bradley, I and C Price (1991) Partial and Mixed Regulation of Newly Privatised UK Monopolies in W Weigel (ed): Economic Analysis of Law—A Collection of Applications, pp 212-221, Schriftenreihe der Bundeswirtshaftskammer, Wien, 1991

De Fraja, G and C Waddams Price (1999) Regulation and access pricing: comparison of regulated regime, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, 46,(1), pp 1-16

Noll, R G & Bruce M Owen (1994) The Anticompetitive Uses of Regulation: United States v. AT&T, in THE ANTITRUST REVOLUTION: THE ROLE OF ECONOMICS 328 (John E Kwoka & Lawrence J White eds)

Ofgem, 1999, Reviews of Public Electricity Suppliers 1998-2000, Distribution Price Control Review Draft Proposals, August

Ofgem, 2007, Domestic Retail Market Report—June

APPENDIX C

DO CONSUMERS SWITCH TO THE BEST SUPPLIER?[373]

Chris M Wilson* and Catherine Waddams Price** * Department of Economics, University of Oxford ** ESRC Centre for Competition Policy, University of East Anglia

  Abstract: This paper suggests that the ability of consumers to choose accurately between alternative suppliers is substantially limited even in a relatively simple and transparent market. Across two independent datasets from the UK electricity market we find, on aggregate, that those consumers switching exclusively for price reasons appropriated between a quarter and a half of the maximum gains available. While such outcomes can be explained by high search costs, the observation that at least a fifth of the consumers actually reduced their surplus as a result of switching cannot. We consider and reject several alternative explanations to pure decision error.

1.  INTRODUCTION

  Competition policy and other policy initiatives in markets as diverse as health and education are increasingly based on the presumption that consumers can play a positive role in generating market competition by choosing to trade with the supplier that best suits their needs. However, consumers may be unable to perform this role and competitive forces may be consequently weakened for several reasons. Consumers may be unwilling to change suppliers because of switching costs, unaware of alternative suppliers because of search costs or may face difficulties in evaluating and comparing different suppliers' offers because of cognitive decision-making costs[374]. While previous empirical research has largely focussed on identifying the effects of switching costs, this paper investigates the importance of the last two possibilities by analysing empirically the accuracy with which switching consumers choose their best available alternative supplier.

  We exploit two independent datasets from the UK electricity market where consumers have been free to switch away from their regional incumbent to one of several entrants since the market's liberalisation in 1999. In such a market, we would expect consumers' switching decisions to be relatively accurate for several reasons. First, almost all households consume electricity and for many, it forms a significant part of their household budget. Second, the market is relatively simple as firms supply a near-homogenous good and at the time of our surveys each supplier effectively offered only a single tariff option. Third, the market is transparent with the industry regulator and several online price comparison services providing many forms of advice and tariff information. Yet, despite such market conditions, this paper suggests that the inaccuracy of consumers' switching decisions remains substantial. Even when focussing only on the consumers who, when asked, indicated that they had switched suppliers exclusively for price reasons, we find that across the two datasets and under a range of assumptions, only 8-19% of consumers switched to the firm offering the highest surplus and, in aggregate, switching consumers appropriated only between 28% and 51% of the maximum gains available to them. While such behaviour is wholly consistent with the behaviour of rational consumers facing high search costs, the additional finding that 20-32% of switching consumers appear to have lost surplus through their choice of supplier is not. These consumers lost an average £14-35 per year in increased bills, apart from any other switching costs they may have incurred.

  Very little previous research has examined empirically the switching accuracy of consumers. As part of a much wider investigation into the effects of entry in the New York State telephone market, Economides et al (2005) suggest that 42% of consumers switched to a more expensive supplier, resulting in an average loss of $4.32 per month. Giulietti et al (2005) suggest there may be consumer inaccuracy in the UK gas market by showing that consumers' (binary) switching decisions appear unrelated to the monetary gains available from doing so, especially for consumers who expect price differences to be transitory. A larger literature however, has analysed the widespread potential for consumers to select a non-cost minimising option from a menu of tariffs offered by the same firm. Agarwal et al (2006), for example, suggest that over 40% of consumers selected the more expensive tariff when offered the option of two credit card contracts in a market experiment by a US bank, while Lambrecht and Skiera (2006) use data from a German internet provider to estimate that around a third of consumers chose a more expensive fixed rate tariff, and over half of these paid more than double the cheapest alternative tariff. The proposed explanations for such choices fall into three broad categories. First, consumers may show a preference for certain tariff structures, such as flat-rate fees (Lambrecht and Skiera 2006). We find no support for such an explanation as the gains from switching are largely unrelated to any associated change in tariff structure. Second, in comparing tariffs, consumers may weight inappropriately the various components of a tariff or price, such as the introductory rate, shipping charge or state-tax rate (eg Ausubel 1999, Hossain and Morgan 2006, Ellison and Ellison 2006, respectively). This explanation is not supported by our data which show that the gains made by consumers who switched to suppliers offering a potentially focal "dual-supply" discount are not significantly different from the gains made by other consumers. Third, consumers may evaluate alternative suppliers' tariffs using an incorrect prediction of their own future consumption (Miravete 2003, Della Vigna and Malmendier 2004, 2006). This explanation also appears unconvincing as all results are derived from consumers' own (expenditure) beliefs and remain robust across consumption variations of plus and minus 10 percent.

  Highlighted by the recent widespread allegations about such practices within the industry, one plausible explanation of the results concerns the pressurising or misleading influence of suppliers' sales activities. However we find that the accuracy of consumers' choices are not significantly related to the self-reported influence of a sales agent; nor does an increased number of regional competitors, which might result in increased sales activity, consistently reduce the accuracy of decisions. Instead, the paper concludes that consumers' switching inaccuracy is consistent with pure decision error. This finding underlines the importance of the growing research into the incentives firms may face to exploit or induce consumer confusion—see Ellison and Ellison (2004) or Armstrong and Spiegler (2007) for a further discussion.

  Section 2 provides a brief theoretical foundation for the measures of the gains from switching that are later calculated. Section 3 introduces the market, the data and the calculation procedures. The descriptive results are presented in section 4. Section 5 proposes some potential explanations for the results and presents some further analysis to test them; section 6 concludes.

2.  THEORY

  To analyse the accuracy of consumers' switching decisions it is necessary to calculate both the actual gains in surplus that each consumer made through their choice of new supplier and the maximum possible gains that each consumer could have achieved by switching to their best supplier (given their demand characteristics). We now present some simple measures to form the basis of such calculations.

  Consider consumer i's decision to switch away from his old supplier, o, to a new supplier, n, chosen from his set of alternative suppliers, Si. Assuming that consumer i cares only about the tariff offered by each supplier, equation (1) describes the approximate annual gain in consumer surplus (excluding switching costs) from deciding to switch from supplier o to supplier, n n,

  where the consumer surplus received at any firm j consists of the utility from consuming Cji homogenous units of electricity annually, ui(Cji), minus the associated bill expenditure, E(Cji;Tj), which depends on firm j's tariff, Tj. With the use of a revealed preference argument to ensure that ui(Coi)—E(Coi ; To) ≥ ui(Cni) — E(Cni;To) an upper bound for the actual gains made from such a switching decision, xswi, is constructed by comparing the expenditures that would result from consuming the level of post-switching consumption, Cni, at each supplier, (2). Such an upper bound is very close to the approximate change in surplus described by (1) when demand is highly price inelastic, as in the electricity market (Baker et al 1989).


  Similarly an upper bound for the maximum possible gains that consumer could have made by switching away from supplier, o,, can be constructed by comparing the expenditure at i's old supplier with the lowest possible expenditure available from the set of alternative suppliers, Si , (3). One final upper bound measures the gains consumer i would have expected to make by randomly selecting an alternatively supplier,   . (4) compares the expenditure at i's old supplier with the average expenditure across supplier i's set of alternative suppliers.

  Fully rational and informed consumers who care only about the tariffs offered by each firm would select the alternative supplier that offers the maximum reduction in expenditure, xswi =   . However if they are rational but not fully informed, perhaps due to the existence of search costs, switching consumers may be willing to select a supplier that does not offer the maximum reduction in tariff expenditure, xswi ∈ [0,] . As consumers always retain the option of not switching, one should never observe switching consumers making negative gains, xswi < 0

3.  CALCULATIONS

  This section uses the measures constructed in section 2 to analyse the switching accuracy of two sets of consumers in the UK electricity market. After an introduction to the market in section 3.1, section 3.2 presents the data and illustrates how the UK electricity market is particularly well suited for such an analysis. Section 3.3 explains how the final calculations are made.

3.1  The Market

  Since liberalisation of the UK residential electricity market was completed in mid 1999, electricity suppliers have been permitted to enter each of the fourteen regional markets to compete with the original regional incumbent. While few new suppliers chose to enter the industry, many regional incumbents took the opportunity to enter most, if not all, of the regions in which they had not previously been incumbent, as did the national gas supplier, British Gas. Consumers were free to switch away from their regional incumbent (or any subsequent supplier) with 28 days notice and no financial penalty. In the subsequent eight years about half of all energy consumers moved away from their regional incumbent.

  An example of the range of tariffs on offer to consumers is displayed in Table 1. As tariffs vary by region and by time, Table 1 presents a typical snapshot of the tariffs offered within an example region, the Midlands, in June 2000. Suppliers are obliged to offer tariffs for three possible consumer payment methods—standard credit, direct debit and prepayment, but in practice, only offered a single tariff per payment method[375].

  Suppliers typically offer two-part tariffs, with some offering three-part tariffs that contain an additional marginal rate for higher levels of consumption beyond some threshold. The majority of electricity suppliers who are also active in the gas market increasingly participate in mixed bundling by offering a dual-supply discount to those consumers who choose to buy both forms of energy. While it is common for suppliers to approach consumers directly in the hope of persuading them to switch, it is rare for suppliers to use upfront discounts or incentives.

  Since liberalisation, many internet-based price comparison sites have offered consumers advice in choosing between suppliers. Despite the industry regulator and consumer body endorsing the use of several comparison sites, their popularity remained limited in the period of our studies, with only 10% of surveyed consumers having used them in 2003 (OFGEM 2004).

EXAMPLE SET OF TARIFFS (MIDLANDS REGION, JUNE 2000, IN PENCE)
Payment Method:
Credit Direct Debit Prepayment
Electricity Supplier:Fixed Rate1Rate2 FixedRate1Rate2 FixedRate1 Rate2Threshold Dual-Supply
Discount
MEB (Regional Incumbent)2159 6.72-2094 6.52-3734 6.72-- -
British Gas010.57 5.6509.01 5.65010.28 6.179001460
Eastern TXU Energi2848 6.386.281856 6.386.283713 6.72-2392 -
East Midland35415.99 -24915.99 -51165.99 --250
Independent49825.46 -40265.46 -44977.77 ---
London Electricity (1)3048 5.86-3048 5.86-9202 7.80-- -
Northern Electric and Gas0 9.145.680 8.195.683990 6.52-1092 -
Norweb Energi49225.30 -46375.21 -37346.72 ---
Seeboard (2)011.97 5.34010.82 5.3441126.72 -728-
Scottish Hydro18736.08 -18736.08 -39906.52 ---
Scottish Power54085.26 -48835.01 -37346.72 --1050
Southern31166.29 -30536.16 -39906.52 ---
SWALEC19665.67 -18865.44 -37346.71 ---
SWEB30455.86 -29545.68 -45237.39 ---
Utility Link35957.25 -25957.25 -73887.68 ---
Yorkshire47215.72 -40915.76 -86695.76 ---

Each supplier offers a tariff across three payment methods. Each tariff consists of an (possibly zero) annual fixed fee, Fixed, with an additional marginal rate, Rate1 in pence/kWh, and, in some cases, a second marginal rate, Rate2, for consumption over and above some annual breakpoint, Threshold (in kWh). Dual supply discounts are offered only to credit or direct debit consumers (except by East Midland/Powergen who offer them to all consumers). Additional discounts are labelled with numbers in brackets—(1) 3% off Direct Debit if bill exceeds £10.50 (2) £8.40 off credit and direct debit.

3.2  Data

  Two datasets were constructed from two independent, cross-sectional, face-to-face surveys of consumers in England, Scotland and Wales. The EA survey (Cooke et al 2001) was conducted between March and August 2000 and was intentionally biased towards low-income consumers[376]. Of the 3417 consumers surveyed, 523 had switched electricity suppliers and, of these, 373 had a full set of responses to questions relevant for the analysis. In contrast, the CCP survey, was designed to be representative of the general population and was conducted for the ESRC Centre for Competition Policy in June 2005[377]. Of the 2027 consumers surveyed, 370 had switched suppliers in the previous three years, and 245 furnished useable responses. While the presence of a low-income bias and missing information limit our ability to draw general inferences about how switching behaviour varies with consumer characteristics, we view the measurement of switching accuracy within each of these samples as informative.

  A major constraint on the ability to measure consumers' switching accuracy arises from the possibility that consumers switched for reasons other than price. Whilst non-price gains are likely to be small in a near-homogeneous market like electricity, they may arise from two sources. First, although the reliability of supply is independent of the supplier (since it depends upon the vertically separated distribution function), consumers may perceive that firms vary in attributes such as customer service or environmental awareness. Second, in addition to the possible monetary benefits of being supplied electricity and gas by the same supplier, for which we account for, consumers may perceive some non-price, practical benefits from having to deal with only one supplier. To eliminate these possibilities, we restrict our analysis to a subset of consumers who stated that their switching decision was motivated purely by price. Specifically, two sub samples are created that contain 318 and 154 consumers respectively who, when asked, cited only differences in price as a reason for switching and did not mention factors such as the quality of service, the provision of "environmental" tariffs or the practical benefits of being dual-supplied. A full summary of the consumers' (multiple) reasons for switching suppliers is presented in Tables 2a and 2b.[378]

Tables 2a and 2b

REASONS FOR SWITCHING SUPPLIERS ACROSS THE TWO DATASETS
Reason for Switching (EA)Mean Reason for Switching (CCP)Mean
Cheaper0.77Better Prices/Rates 0.86
Dual Supply Discounts0.10 Better Service/Quality0.19
Influence of Sales Agent0.10 Not Satisfied with Old Supplier0.11
"Conned"/Unaware of switching 0.03Dual Supply0.06
Poor Service from Old Supplier0.03 Environmental Tariffs0.03
Better Service0.02Other 0.10
No Standing Charge0.01 n245
Other0.05
n373


3.3  Calculating the Gains from Switching

  This section provides further details of how the bound measures constructed in section 2 are used with the selected data samples to calculate consumers' switching accuracy.

  To focus only on the accuracy of consumers' choice of supplier and not on the choice of payment method or gas supplier, all calculations are made by comparing suppliers' relevant tariffs whilst treating each consumer's known choice of payment method(s) and gas supplier as given. Specifically, the calculations are made using equations (5)-(7), where the tariff of each supplier, Ttr (m,g), varies according to the consumer's date of switching, t, electricity supply region, r, choice of gas supplier, g, and choice of payment method, m, (both before and after switching).


  Using a time series of the unique tariff offered by each supplier per payment method[379], an estimate of consumption, Cni, was calculated from each consumer's own estimate of their average electricity expenditure[380]. Such an approach offers two advantages. First, it is probably more accurate as consumers are more likely to recall their expenditure than their consumption. Second, and more importantly, all gains are calculated in a way that is consistent with consumers' own consumption beliefs, so that any inaccurate consumer choices cannot be attributed to consumers' incorrect consumption estimates. A potential drawback, however, comes from the possibility that each consumer's expenditure beliefs may have changed in the intervening period between the time of the switching decision and the time of the survey. We take two approaches to allow for this possibility and to add further robustness to the findings. First, we identify a subgroup of the EA consumers whose survey responses indicated that their consumption was highly price inelastic, and stable over time, and demonstrate that these do not differ significantly from the rest of the sample[381]. The insignificant difference supports the claims that i) the constructed upper bounds form close approximations to the true gains from switching and ii) consumption is likely to be stable between the time of switching and the time of the survey. Second, we repeat the three measurements for all consumers using consumption levels which are plus and minus ten percent of our original estimate.

  Whilst the CCP dataset is sufficiently rich to provide all the required information, the EA dataset does not provide all the necessary variables directly from the survey because of uncertainty about the exact date of switching and of any change in payment method. To proceed we derive the EA calculations under the four most likely scenarios and compare the results for robustness. This leads to the specifications, Oct99nochange, Oct99change, Jun00nochange and Jun00change, which are detailed fully in the appendix.

4.  DESCRIPTIVE RESULTS

  Figure 1 plots the estimated actual gains from switching against the maximum gains available for all consumers (averaging across the EA specifications outlined above). Two immediate observations can be made. First, many of the consumers have not appropriated the maximum gains available, as indicated by the points located below the 45° line. This is consistent with the behaviour of rational consumers facing search costs and with experimental evidence that suggests consumers often search too little (Sonnemans 1998 and Tenorio and Cason 2002). Second, however, a significant fraction of switchers appear to have actually lost surplus by switching to a more expensive supplier, as indicated by the points below the x-axis, a finding which is inconsistent with the behaviour of rational consumers motivated to switch only by price. To explore the findings in more detail, Table 3 displays the main results derived from the original estimates of consumption and Table 4 includes the results with the alternative consumption levels.

Figure 1

THE ACTUAL GAINS MADE FROM SWITCHING RELATIVE TO THE MAXIMUM GAINS AVAILABLE, CCP AND EA (POOLED SPECIFICATION) DATASETS


Table 3

DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS OF THE GAIN MEASURES ACROSS A RANGE OF DATASETS AND SPECIFICATIONS
Data SpecificationCCP EA EAEA EA EA
Pooled Oct 99 no change Oct 99 change Jun 00 no change Jun 00 change
Average(StDev) Average(StDev) Average(StDev) Average(StDev) Average(StDev) Average(StDev)

Number of Switchers
154 318 318318 318318
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 49.04(39.20)44.22 (42.65)43.02(42.84) 41.42(39.91)47.08 (42.85)45.35(45.00)
Average Mean Gains Available (annual, £) 11.43(31.16)8.80 (27.14)8.62(28.02) 7.01(27.62)10.64 (29.25)8.92(33.06)
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 17.92(43.18)19.41 (38.56)21.36(41.57) 19.75(38.99)19.13 (35.61)17.40(38.09)
Average Mean Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.230.20 0.200.17 0.23 0.20
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.370.44 0.500.48 0.41 0.38
Proportion of Switchers with Perfect Gains 0.180.14 0.180.18 0.10 0.10
Expected Proportion if Random Alternative Selected 0.140.07 0.07 0.070.07 0.07
Proportion of Swtichers with Negative Gain 0.31(0.46)0.25 (0.43)0.24(0.43) 0.26(0.44)0.22 (0.41)0.29(0.45)
Average Gain given Negative Gain-26.96 (32.99)-17.56(19.16) -16.78(20.77)-19.23 (19.80)-15.76(16.93) -18.47(19.14)
Proportion of Switchers with Non-Negative Gain 0.69(0.46)0.75 (0.43)0.76(0.43) 0.74(0.44)0.78 (0.41)0.71(0.45)
Average Gain given Non-Negative Gain37.64 (30.55)31.85(35.29) 33.13(39.27)33.52 (34.53)28.98(33.24) 31.78(34.10)
Proportion of Switchers with Dominated Choice 0.010.06 0.07 0.080.03 0.04

Maximum Gains Available refers to the change in surplus that would have been realised by a switcher had they switched to their cheapest alternative supplier. Mean Gains Available refers to the change in surplus that a switcher would expect to gain by selecting a supplier randomly. The Proportion of Switchers with Perfect Gains refers to the proportion of consumers who appropriated all of the maximum gains available. This is compared to the expected probability of doing so had the consumer randomly selected an alternative supplier. The Proportion of Switchers with Dominated Choice refers to the proportion of consumers that switched to a tariff that could not be cheaper than their previous tariff for any level of consumption.

Table 4

COMPARING THE CALCULATED GAIN MEASURES WITH THE PERTURBED CONSUMPTION LEVELS
Data SpecificationCCP EA EAEA EA EA
Pooled Oct 99 no change Oct 99 change Jun 00 no change Jun 00 change
Using Estimated ConsumptionAverage (StDev)Average(StDev) Average(StDev)Average (StDev)Average(StDev) Average(StDev)

Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £)
49.04(39.20)44.22 (42.65)43.02(42.84) 41.42(39.91)47.08 (42.85)45.35(45.00)
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 17.92(43.18)19.41 (38.56)21.36(41.57) 19.75(38.99)19.13 (35.61)17.40(38.09)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.370.44 0.500.48 0.41 0.38
Proportion of Switchers with Perfect Gains 0.180.14 0.180.18 0.10 0.10
Using Estimated Consumption -10%
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 47.47(37.56)42.04 (38.00)41.17(41.66) 40.97(36.27)42.44 (38.21)43.57(35.85)
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 20.76(41.19)18.51 (34.89)20.72(40.53) 19.27(37.05)17.42 (31.99)16.64(29.99)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.440.44 0.500.47 0.41 0.38
Proportion of Switchers with Perfect Gains 0.160.13 0.190.14 0.10 0.08
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.25(0.43)0.23 (0.42)0.24(0.43) 0.24(0.43)0.22 (0.41)0.23(0.42)
Using Estimated Consumption +10%
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 53.30(49.22)53.23 (59.92)44.12(44.46) 43.88(38.75)51.81 (47.86)73.09(108.62)
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 17.98(52.50)21.36 (39.39)22.42(42.48) 20.82(39.27)21.64 (39.19)20.56(36.63)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.340.42 0.510.47 0.42 0.28
Proportion of Switchers with Perfect Gains 0.140.13 0.190.15 0.10 0.08
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.32(0.47)0.22 (0.42)0.24(0.43) 0.24(0.43)0.20 (0.40)0.21(0.41)

Maximum Gains Available refers to the change in surplus that would have been realised by a switcher had they switched to their cheapest alternative supplier. The Proportion of Switchers with Perfect Gains refers to the proportion of consumers who appropriated all of the maximum gains available.

  The results shown in tables 3 and 4 are remarkably robust across datasets, across specifications and across consumption levels, providing support for the chosen measurement methodology. Despite including only decisions based exclusively on price, many consumers failed to switch to the cheapest supplier. Across datasets, specifications and consumption levels, the reported percentage of consumers selecting their cheapest supplier ranges between only 8 and 19%. Although consumers as a whole made positive average gains of between £16 and £22 per annum, in aggregate, consumers appropriated only between 28 and 51% of the maximum benefits available to them.

  They have only achieved a little more than would have been expected by switching to a randomly selected supplier; this would have offered consumers a 7-14% chance of picking the cheapest supplier[382] and appropriated 17-23% of the maximum gains available.

  More startlingly, even without taking into account the (financial or non financial) costs of making the switch, between 20 and 32% of consumers switched to a more expensive supplier, losing, on average, approximately £14-35 per year. Further, between 3 and 31% of these loss-making consumers actually switched to a "dominated" tariff that could not have offered them a reduction in expenditure at any level of consumption. Finally, although it is difficult to make robust comparisons given the biases within each of the samples, our data provide no evidence that switching accuracy improved over the five years which elapsed between the two surveys.

5.  POTENTIAL EXPLANATIONS

  The existence of search costs can explain why consumers did not select the best possible supplier, but the choice of a more expensive supplier remains puzzling. In this section we explore the validity of four possible explanations:

    i)  consumers exhibited some bias or preference for particular tariff structures;

    ii)  consumers were overly-attracted to suppliers offering dual-supply discounts;

    iii)  consumers were influenced by misleading sales activity; and

    iv)  consumers made genuine decision errors.

  First, we consider the possibility that consumers' choices could be explained by a bias or preference for different tariff structures, as proposed in the literature documenting consumers' inaccurate tariff choices (eg Lambrecht and Skiera 2006). While the potential for such biases is limited in our market due to the narrow range of available tariff structures, we investigate the potential for consumers to have displayed a preference for tariff structures in two respects—the number of parts in the tariff (two or three) and whether or not there is a positive fixed fee. The evidence for such biases seems limited. Table A1 in the appendix indicates that the estimated switching gains are largely unrelated to the choice of a two- or three-part tariff; the only weak evidence of such a bias occurs in the EA June specification where the 40 consumers who switched from a three- to a two-part tariff made significantly less accurate decisions than other switchers. Table 2a shows that only 1% of consumers cited the existence of a zero fixed fee as a reason for switching and Table A2 in the Appendix shows that the estimated switching gains are, for the most part, unrelated to the magnitude of the chosen fixed fee. The only possibility of a bias occurs within the EA dataset where the 18 consumers who switched to a positive fixed fee made significantly worse decisions.

  Second, we examine the possibility that consumers could have overestimated or have been overly sensitive to the dual-supply discount, as emphasised as an explanation in other contexts by Ausubel (1999) and Hossain and Morgan (2006). Despite excluding any consumer who cited the existence of a dual-supply discount as a reason for switching, this explanation may seem persuasive since 74% of the consumers in the sample who changed supplier switched to their gas provider. However, Table A2 in the appendix indicates that the dual-supplied switchers made, if anything, higher gains than the non-dual supplied consumers, contradicting such an explanation. This evidence also eliminates the potential explanation that consumers may have switched to their gas supplier to receive some unmeasured non-price benefit.

  Third, could consumers have been influenced by suppliers' mis-selling activity? Such an explanation is particularly plausible in the UK electricity market where there have been many allegations of mis-selling. While some complaints have been targeted at internet price comparison sites for misleading consumers by favouring certain suppliers[383], most allegations have been aimed directly at the use of more direct mis-selling tactics by suppliers themselves. Indeed, the problem of aggressive or misleading "cold-calling" or doorstep selling was considered so serious that several bodies conducted investigations (energywatch 2002, OFGEM 2002 and OFT 2004) and OFGEM subsequently fined London Electricity two million pounds[384],[385]

5.1  Potential Mis-selling

  In this section we estimate whether the consumers' switching accuracy is related to two sets of test variables associated with potential mis-selling. We analyse each in turn. First, we explore whether the accuracy of consumers' switching decisions is adversely affected by the self-reported influence of suppliers' sales activity, as captured by two dummy variables from the EA survey. These correspond to consumers either reporting that they had been "conned" into switching without their consent, connedi, or that a sales agent had been active in their switching decision,[386]. Consumers could cite both influences. To analyse how these variable relate to switching accuracy, two procedures are used to estimate variations of equation (6), where the gains from switching, *, are modelled as a function of the two test variables agenti and connedi while controlling for a vector of consumer demographics, Di, and each consumer's maximum available gains, .


Table 5

SUMMARY STATISTICS OF THE DEMOGRAPHIC AND TEST VARIABLES
Variable NameVariable Definition Mean(StDev)
highsocHousehold social grade: A, B or C1 0.28(0.45)
midsocHousehold social grade: C2 or D 0.49(0.50)
lowsocHousehold social grade: E 0.22(0.42)
highincHousehold income: £25,000+ 0.13(0.33)
midincHousehold income: £12,500-£25,000 0.25(0.43)
lowincHousehold income: Less than £12,500 0.43(0.50)
increfIncome status refused 0.20(0.40)
ageAge of respondent 44.86(15.96)
singleThe household respondent is single 0.15(0.36)
marriedThe household respondent is married 0.62(0.49)
exmarThe household respondent is widowed or divorced 0.23(0.42)
arrearsThe household has electricity arrears 0.04(0.21)
gasswThe household has previously switched gas supplier 0.51(0.50)
rentThe household lives in rented accommodation 0.43(0.50)
disableThe household has some form of disability benefit 0.19(0.47)
agentThe household cited the influence of a sales agent 0.11(0.31)
connedThe household switched without consent 0.03(0.18)
nThe number of regional competitors 14.75(0.85)
Number of Obersevations 318


  A further variable, stablei, is included to investigate whether the measured switching accuracy of the sub group of consumers who reported highly price inelastic and stable consumption differs from the rest of the sample. This variable is later reported to be insignificantly different from zero, as discussed previously in Section 3.3. All relevant variables are described and summarised in Table 5.


  We use equation (6) to explore how consumers' switching gains depend on a set of independent variables in two ways. In the first case, * is treated as a latent variable and we estimate the probability of a consumer making a positive gains using a probit model, and in the second case, we model the gains from switching as a continuous variable using OLS with heteroscedasticity-consistent standard errors. For robustness, the two estimations are conducted across each of the four EA data specifications and the results are reported in Tables 6 and 7.

  The self-reported incidences of sales and "conning activity" have no significant effect on switching accuracy across all specifications. The estimations also indicate, in line with the findings of Economides et al (2005) and Miravete (2003), that very few demographic variables are useful predictors of the ability of consumers to make accurate decisions. Consumers living in rented property make less accurate decisions, probably because they expect to enjoy any benefits for a shorter time. Some of the specifications suggest that consumers with higher incomes (and those who declined to reveal their incomes) appropriate less of the available gains. Consumers are less likely to make a loss from switching suppliers if the maximum gains available are higher, a finding consistent with consumers having a higher incentive to make an accurate decision when the rewards from doing so are greater.

Table 6

ESTIMATIONS OF THE PROBABILITY OF MAKING A POSITIVE GAIN[387]

June June October October
No Method Change Method Change No Method Change Method Change
M.Effctz M.Effectz M.EffectzM.Effect z

agent
0.030.53 -0.16-1.620.08 1.390.040.61
conned-0.18-1.16 -0.23-1.240.07 0.79-0.07-0.45
gainmax0.004.23** 0.017.16**0.01 5.52**0.017.18**
stable-0.03-0.55 -0.02-0.46-0.05 -1.04-0.06-1.31
highsoc-0.01-0.11 -0.07-0.740.02 0.21-0.08-0.89
midsoc-0.02-0.39 -0.07-1.00-0.05 -0.79-0.14-2.12*
highinc-0.24-2.03* -0.22-1.78-0.13 -1.21-0.16-1.37
lowinc-0.05-0.69 -0.04-0.55-0.03 -0.43-0.09-1.40
incref-0.09-1.13 -0.11-1.21-0.08 -1.05-0.10-1.17
age0.000.63 -0.01-0.830.00 0.300.000.21
age20.00-0.71 0.000.780.00 -0.010.000.12
disable-0.05-0.96 -0.07-1.250.00 -0.01-0.04-0.70
single-0.10-1.17 -0.08-0.86-0.12 -1.33-0.21-2.07
exmar0.010.09 0.030.500.02 0.290.020.29
rent-0.15-2.87** -0.16-2.58**-0.10 -1.93-0.14-2.55**
arrears0.030.27 -0.01-0.050.09 1.290.081.02
gassw-0.12-2.77** -0.12-2.44*-0.05 -1.20-0.04-0.84
n318 318318 318
Log-Lik-141.7 -145.6-144.3 -137.0
LR(17)51.90** 89.65**58.78** 91.07**
McF R20.15 0.240.17 0.25



  There is no evidence that previous experience improves decision accuracy. While Giulietti et al (2005) suggest that consumers are more likely to switch in a given market if they have previously switched in others, we find that a past experience of switching gas suppliers does nothing to improve (and sometimes reduces) switching accuracy.

Table 7

ESTIMATIONS OF THE GAINS MADE FROM SWITCHING[388]


June June October October
No Method Change Method Change No Method Change Method Change
Coefft Coefft CoefftCoeff t
agent0.700.14 -2.57-0.49-2.10 -0.41-3.34-0.58
conned0.220.05 -0.03-0.01-3.64 -0.45-3.75-0.49
gainmax0.019.43** 0.0111.05**0.01 14.24**0.0110.55**
stable0.930.31 0.790.27-1.22 -0.42-1.54-0.54
highsoc-4.21-0.90 -2.98-0.61-2.26 -0.56-2.28-0.54
midsoc-3.88-1.00 -3.91-0.95-3.08 -0.85-4.45-1.16
highinc-13.90-2.21* -13.23-2.08*-1.08 -0.19-0.36-0.06
lowinc-5.12-1.39 -5.80-1.501.89 0.521.550.41
incref-13.57-3.22** -13.73-3.22**-6.87 -1.57-5.63-1.41
age-0.02-0.04 -0.27-0.510.39 0.810.270.55
age20.000.18 0.000.660.00 -0.250.000.04
disable-4.87-1.30 -4.52-1.16-6.53 -1.77-6.30-1.71
single-5.66-1.25 -4.94-1.06-0.33 -0.08-3.25-0.75
exmar-0.49-0.16 -0.33-0.100.16 0.05-0.44-0.13
rent-6.08-2.17* -4.54-1.58-8.40 -2.77**-7.71-2.46*
arrears-8.98-1.21 -8.22-1.08-4.17 -0.66-4.48-0.72
gassw-3.92-1.33 -3.44-1.15-4.27 -1.53-3.32-1.20
constant5.280.38 7.290.52-15.52 -1.23-12.03-0.92
n318 318318 318
F(17,300)10.34** 14.06**18.37** 14.06**
R20.58 0.610.68 0.64



  To provide a further (less direct) test of the effects of mis-selling, the estimations are repeated with the inclusion of a different test variable—the number of competitors in each consumer's regional market. While conventional theories of consumer search do not predict any negative relationship between consumers' ability to appropriate the gains available and the number of competitors[389], it is reasonable to conjecture that mis-selling strategies may be more attractive to firms as the profits from more standard forms of competition are reduced from increases in the number of suppliers. In a related sense, recent work by Spiegler (2005) illustrates how firms face an increased incentive to obfuscate by increasing the variance of their utility offers when faced with more competitors, while Miravete (2007) offers evidence to suggest that firms are more likely to employ dominated tariff options when competition increases. To test for such an effect, we exploit the fact that the number of regional competitors varied between twelve and sixteen at the time of the EA survey[390]. If mis-selling were an explanation, consumers would make less accurate decisions in regional markets with a higher number of competing suppliers[391].

  Formally, the two estimation procedures are repeated with the replacement of the previous test variables, agenti and connedi, with the new test variable, ni, measuring the number of regional suppliers faced by each consumer[392]. As the estimated coefficients differ very little from those previously reported, only the effects of the test variable are displayed in Tables 8 and 9.

Table 8

ESTIMATED MARGINAL EFFECTS OF THE NUMBER OF REGIONAL COMPETITORS ON THE PROBABILITY OF SWITCHING TO MAKE A POSITIVE GAIN[393]

June June October October
No Method Change Method Change No Method Change Method Change
M.Effctz M.Effectz M.EffectzM.Effect z

n
-0.01-0.54 0.03-0.96-0.04 -1.43-0.05-1.77



Table 9

ESTIMATED MARGINAL EFFECTS OF THE NUMBER OF REGIONAL COMPETITORS ON THE ACTUAL GAINS MADE FROM SWITCHING

June June October October
No Method Change Method Change No Method Change Method Change
Coefft Coefft CoefftCoeff t

n
-3.76-2.47* -3.84-2.47*-1.87 -0.99-2.66-1.36



  While there is no evident relationship between the number of regional competitors and the probability of making a positive gain by switching, Table 9 suggests that in two out of four specifications, consumers appropriated relatively less of the maximum available gains in regions with a higher number of suppliers. However as much of the variation in the number of regional competitors arises, however, from the relative lack of market entry in the two Scottish electricity regions, such a finding is also consistent with the presence of some unobserved characteristic of firms or consumers within the Scottish markets. The results are therefore unclear and do not provide direct evidence that mis-selling explains the inaccuracy of consumers' switching decisions.

  The evidence presented in this section does not indicate that consumers' poor switching choices are explained by tariff biases or suppliers' mis-selling activity. We deduce that much of the switching inaccuracy results from genuine consumer confusion and decision error.

6.  CONCLUSION

  Using two independent datasets from the UK electricity market our results show that the capacity of consumers, to choose efficiently between suppliers may be limited, even when switching purely for price reasons. While the results are not necessarily representative of the general population, our estimations show that, at best, a fifth of the consumers in our samples actually lost surplus as a result of switching; and that, in aggregate, switching consumers appropriated only half of the maximum gains available to them. Such a failure of consumers to compare accurately between alternative suppliers can damage their welfare, both directly in lost savings, and indirectly by delivering firms with a source of market power. Indeed, together with the well established effects of switching costs in reducing the willingness of consumers to switch suppliers, such behaviour may seriously impede the competitive process, even after a market has been liberalised or made subject to standard competition policy (as recently argued by Waterson 2003).

  We have examined and rejected several explanations of consumer errors, including preferences for particular tariff structures or dual fuel supply, and misleading sales activities by firms. Instead, despite the apparent simplicity and transparency of the market, consumers' poor choices seem more consistent with an explanation of pure decision error. This finding casts doubt on the ability of consumers to generate competitive forces through accurate switching decisions and raises many important policy concerns. Future research would be valuable in understanding how competition and consumer authorities should respond to consumer errors, if at all, and in investigating the implications for current policies aiming to increase competition in less familiar markets, such as health and education.

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APPENDIX C1

IDENTIFYING TARIFFS FOR THE EA DATASET

  Two aspects of the EA dataset make it difficult to identify directly the exact set of tariffs relevant for each consumer's switching decision. The first is the exact date of the switching decision. (Economides et al (2005) faced the same problem and were forced to assume that consumers had switched at the date of information collection.) The second problem arises from the timing of the change in payment method for the 32% of consumers who reported such a change. To calculate the gains on switching we need to know whether they, changed their payment method before, after, or at the same time as they switched suppliers. To resolve these uncertainties and to enhance the robustness of our findings we report the results over four different specifications. As the EA survey was conducted in March-August 2000, very soon after liberalisation, consumers could have switched using one of only four possible tariff sets, namely those commencing in June 1999, October 1999, April 2000 and June 2000. Consumers are most likely to have switched under either the October 1999 tariffs, as these were stable for the longest period (October 1999-April 2000), or the June 2000 tariffs, as the proportion of consumers switching suppliers was rising over the period. Using both of these time periods, the calculations are then made under two further assumptions to provide a total of four specifications. These two assumptions concern whether the 32% of consumers who had changed their payment method, changed either before they switched suppliers (the consumers traded with both their original and current supplier under their current payment method) or, perhaps more realistically, at the time of switching (the consumers traded with their original supplier using their previous payment method but traded with their current supplier under their current payment method)[394]. The four specifications are respectively labelled as Oct99nochange, Oct99change, Jun00nochange and Jun00change (see appendix for further details).

APPENDIX C2[395]

Table A1

SWITCHING ACCURACY BY CHANGES IN CHOSEN TARIFF STRUCTURE

No Change in Tariff Structure Three-part to Two-part Two-part to Three-part
CCP DataAverage (StDev)Average (StDev)Average (StDev)

Number of Switchers
74 50 30
Proportion of Switchers0.48 0.32 0.19
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 44.25(32.46)53.16 (44.10)53.99(45.35)
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 14.82(41.96)23.18 (50.25)16.80(32.63)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.330.44 0.31
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.30(0.46)0.28 (0.45)0.37(0.49)
EA Data (Pooled June Specification) Average(StDev) Average(StDev) Average(StDev)
Number of Switchers169 40109
Proportion of Switchers0.53 0.13 0.34
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 12.50(29.24)-3.38** (27.69)35.14**(41.33)
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 42.17(36.40)34.69 (29.29)56.72*(54.29)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.30-0.10 0.62
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.31(0.45)0.55** (0.46)0.06**(0.20)
EA Data (Pooled October Specification) Average(StDev) Average(StDev) Average(StDev)
Number of Switchers226 7814
Proportion of Switchers0.71 0.25 0.04
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 19.85(43.01)23.28 (24.11)16.84(32.72)
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 41.42(42.66)41.85 (28.43)57.19(47.58)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.480.56 0.29
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.27(0.43)0.18 (0.37)0.21(0.43)



Table A2

SWITCHING ACCURACY BY CHANGES IN CHOSEN FIXED FEE TARIFF STRUCTURE[396]

No Change in Tariff Structure Pos. Fixed Fee to Zero Fixed Fee Zero Fixed Fee to Pos. Fixed Fee
CCP DataAverage(StDev) Average(StDev)Average (StDev)
Number of Switchers69 2956
Proportion of Switchers0.45 0.19 0.36
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 19.46(43.29)19.43 (32.43)15.25(48.19)
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 46.97(33.38)55.08 (45.67)48.46(42.55)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.410.35 0.31
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.28(0.45)0.28 (0.45)0.36(0.48)
EA Data (Pooled June Specification) Average(StDev) Average(StDev) Average(StDev)
Number of Switchers156 14418
Proportion of Switchers0.49 0.45 0.06
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 8.79(29.44)32.78** (37.93)-15.72**(22.08)
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 39.93(35.04)53.73** (50.27)40.64(40.53)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.220.61 -0.39
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.36(0.46)0.08** (0.23)0.78**(0.39)



Table A3

SWITCHING ACCURACY OF DUAL AND NON-DUAL SUPPLIED CONSUMERS

Not Dual Supplied Dual Supplied
CCP DataAverage (StDev)Average (StDev)
Number of Switchers29 125
Proportion of Switchers0.19 0.81
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 15.36(62.37)18.52 (37.68)
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 48.07(49.43)49.27 (36.66)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.320.38
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.45(0.51)0.27 (0.45)
EA Data (Pooled Specifications) Average(StDev) Average(StDev)
Number of Switchers96 222
Proportion of Switchers0.30 0.70
Average Actual Gains Made (annual, £) 10.45**(43.17)23.29 (30.95)
Average Maximum Gains Available (annual, £) 46.87(50.42)43.07 (34.82)
Average Actual Gains/Average Maximum Gains 0.220.54
Proportion of Switchers with Negative Gain 0.39**(0.40)0.19 (0.34)


March 2008




372   Published in December 2007 edition of Intereconomics. Back

373   Published as CCP working paper 07-6 Back

374   See Farrell and Klemperer (2006) for a review of the market power effects of switching costs, Baye et al (forthcoming) for search costs, and Gabaix et al (2005) for cognitive costs. Back

375   More recently suppliers have offered a wider choice of tariffs, including "capped" tariffs, but these were not available at the time of the consumer decisions analysed here. Back

376   The EA survey and its initial analysis were funded by the Electricity Association-an early description of consumers' choices and errors is contained in Waddams Price (2003). Back

377   The CCP survey was designed to analyse search and switching behaviour across eight different product markets as analysed by Chang and Waddams Price (forthcoming). Here, only the data from the electricity market is used. Back

378   The EA respondents were asked to provide an unstructured explanation for why they had switched, which was later coded into an exclusive list of reasons, whereas the CCP respondents were asked to indicate up to three reasons from a list of possible options. No distinction was made between price and non-price benefits of dual-supply and so all consumers who cited dual-supply as a reason for changing suppliers are eliminated from the sample. Back

379   The tariff dataset builds on that used by Giulietti et al (2005) and was obtained by either contacting suppliers directly or downloading bimonthly tariffs from a consumer advice website, www.which.co.uk or the energy consumer body, www.energywatch.org.uk. Back

380   Consumers were asked to provide an estimate of their expenditure on a weekly, fortnightly, monthly or quarterly basis as they preferred. Back

381   The subgroup of consumers indicated high price inelasticity by replying "the same" to the following questions: Q. If the cost of electricity went down would you use more electricity or use the same electricity and use the savings for something else?, and Q. If the cost of electricity went up would you use less electricity or use the same electricity?, and further indicated a stable consumption pattern by replying "No" to the following questions, Q. Has there been any change in your household's circumstance in the last two to three years that affected your fuel consumption?, and Q. Has your household's electricity ever been disconnected because of unpaid electricity bills? Back

382   This figure was calculated by finding the reciprocal of the number of alternative suppliers, averaged across consumers, given their respective regions. The probability doubles to 0.14 for the later CCP dataset due to the heavy market consolidation in recent years. Back

383   See http://business.guardian.co.uk/story/0,,1975484,00.html. 19 December 2006. Back

384   See http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/2315115.stm. 10 October 2002. Back

385   We find no evidence that those consumers who switched to London Electricity made significantly different gains to those who switched to other suppliers. Back

386   The CCP data do not include these variables Back

387   All significant tests are indicated by * for the 5% level and by ** for the 1% level. Where applicable, all marginal effects are calculated for the average switcher relative to the base case of a consumer who is married, of low social class and with middle income. Back

388   All significant tests are indicated by * for the 5% level and by ** for the 1% level. Where applicable, all coefficients are estimated relative to the base case of a consumer who is married, of low social class and with middle income. Back

389   Indeed, for any given price distribution and cost of search, a consumer should accept any discovered price below the optimal reservation price which is defined independently from the number of firms (Kohn and Shavell 1974). Back

390   These numbers refer to the number of large firms that were patronised by consumers in the EA sample and do not include some smaller firms that also operated across all regions. Including such firms in the estimations increases the number by a constant and does not affect our qualitative results. No such variation in firm numbers existed at the time of the CCP survey due to later market consolidation. Back

391   It is feasible, but unlikely given the limited variation in the number of firms, that consumer inaccuracy may also be prompted by a `choice overload' effect from the increased complexity of the decision (eg Iyengar and Lepper 2000 and Iyengar and Kamenica 2006). Back

392   Both the number of competitors and the maximum gains can be included as explanatory variables, since they have a negligible correlation of approximately 0.02 across specifications. Back

393   Significance is denoted at 5% by * and at 1% by **. Back

394   The most commonly reported method changes are moving from credit to direct debit (41%) and credit to prepayment (38%). We do not allow for the unlikely possibility that the change was made after the process of changing suppliers. Back

395   Notes for Tables A1-A3. ** and * are used to indicate a significant difference in means under both a standard t-test and a non-parametric Mann-Whitney U test at the 5% and 1% respectively. Back

396   Tariffs with positive fixed fees were so common within the EA Pooled October Specification that all consumers switched to such tariffs, preventing us from testing such a hypothesis. Back


 
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