Select Committee on Business and Enterprise Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by Dominic Whittome

CONTRACT PRICE FIXING

  Since August last year, forward gas prices in the wholesale market have risen by over 70%. This is in spite of an abundance of gas in Northern Europe. The increase has had little to do with "security of supply" because forward North Sea gas reserves estimates have not altered in this short period. Yet wholesale prices of long-dated gas deliveries are continuing to rise as major gas producers continue to fix their long-term contract prices to oil. This contractual fix has driven forward prices to levels much higher than would otherwise have been the case. Consequently, North Sea gas and UK electricity prices have being driven higher by the price of OPEC crude.

  In recent years, gas producers and importers appear to have aligned their wholesale supply policies. Forward price rises in the wholesale market have been exaggerated as a result. A full examination of company trading policies will reveal signs of co-ordinated behaviour in the wholesale market. Gas producers have acted collectively in gradually curtailing their forward trading activities. Instead, producers have marketed an increasing and disproportionate percentage of their principal gas volumes on secret, off-market, long-term contracts.

  Many, though not necessarily all, of these long-term contracts involve contractual indexation to crude oil and petroleum products. But, whether the gas price in these long-term contracts is indexed to oil or not, the dominance of off-market trading undermines the influence of open trading in wholesale market.

  This adverse effect on forward pricing competition transgresses into power generation, where output electricity prices are driven by input gas prices. The effect then feeds down to the commercial and retail markets for both gas and electricity.

SECRET CONTRACTS

  The long-term contracts in question are negotiated bi-laterally between large users, utilities and international producers. They effectively seal the gas out of the forward market for contract terms ranging generally from 10 to 20 years.

  Today over 80% of the gas initially sold into the UK and 90% on the Continent is contracted under long-term, off-market contracts. Not only does this action withhold forward price and volume information from market participants but the predominance of long-term contracts also "crowds out" forward gas trading that would otherwise take place; where the "trading multiplier" make the market impact considerable.

  A proper investigation should expose the fact that, over the past seven or eight years, gas majors and importers have been selling an ever reducing fraction of their long-dated gas volumes, ie dated one year forward or longer, on the forward market and selling a correspondingly higher fraction on long-term contracts.

  The disproportionately high volume sold off-market is a major problem from the point of view of efficiency. Consistently higher-than-optimal prices may not be the result of decisions made by individual traders but by the gas producing companies who—wittingly or unwittingly—having synchronising their policy decisions.

COPYCAT STRATEGY

  The convergence of wholesaling policies has had the effect of greatly constraining liquidity in the long-dated wholesale market. The dearth of forward trading in large volumes has reduced wholesale price transparency (where posted long-dated prices are indicative, estimated or non-existent). It has also increased market volatility, which in turn has significantly increased the price premium, ie on top of the already exaggerated forward prices, which the producing supplier can levy on gas consumers who need to fix their price one year forward or more. Consequently, some gas buyers will purchase a swap from a merchant bank, although that is a further unnecessary cost they then incur.

  The inquiry must identify what the individual wholesaling policies of major gas producers are; assess the extent to which these company polices coincide; and ascertain whether these policies have been converging. In short, are we witnessing copycat behaviour in the supply policies of the producers. In the background, we have seen in a 180% increase in forward-year power prices (from £21/MWh to £59/MWh) and a 400% increase in wholesale gas prices (from 13 p/th to 65 p/th) since the start of 2000.

CORPORATE MOTIVES

  Duplicative gas supply policies, which promote off-market contracts as the principal (or only) platform for selling forward have the effect of supporting long-dated prices posted in the wholesale market. Higher wholesale gas prices not only boost the immediate profits of producers, they also serve to safeguard the contractual integrity of their long-term contracts. Restricting the liquidity in forward trading reduces the danger of any wide price discrepancy evolving between long-dated wholesale prices and long-term contract prices. Allowing these prices to get out-of-kilter would trigger calls from consumers and possibly regulators for some contracts to be re-negotiated, which producers should want to avoid at all costs.

TACIT COLLUSION

  If we not concern ourselves—at least for now—about "price fixing" between individual gas traders, we should be concerned about any alignment of producer policies. Above all, the inquiry should explore the unwillingness of producers to sell a significant proportion of their gas openly, on the long-dated, forward market. In most cases, this proportion could be below a third and in some cases below 5%, quite possibly zero in one or two cases.

  In the final analysis we may see a textbook example of tacit collusion whereby producers are not fixing prices directly but simply acting rationally; recognising in common the commercial interest in copying the other's behaviour, which replicates the effect of a price-fixing cartel.

  This de facto producer boycott of the forward market when it comes to selling gas on a long-dated basis will partially explain why wholesale gas prices have soared to the unprecedented levels that we see today, far above the levels that would otherwise be achieved in an efficiently-operating market, where actual gas supply and demand fundamentals will determine the forward price.

ELECTRICITY MARKET IMPACTS

  A proper inquiry should find evidence of producers reverting to long-term contracts for practically all their forward selling, trading only residual gas volumes on the wholesale market to support these long-term contracts' flexibility commitments to the buyer. The consequential constraint on liquidity in the forward gas market has also affected electricity trading, where liquidity collapsed over the past two years. Only a miniscule percentage of power volumes are now traded more than six months forward on the UK Power Exchange as a result.

  Despite Britain's head start over its EU peers in terms of energy market liberalisation, forward liquidity in the Nordic and German power markets has already overtaken the UK's and other European countries are closing in. Even in gas, industry insiders see the Dutch Title Transfer Facility replacing our own National Balancing Point (NBP) as the principal trading hub in North West Europe.

  This meltdown in liquidity in our gas and especially power markets has coincided with weaker price transparency, soaring volatility and record "risk premiums" (ie over short-term delivery prices) in the forward market.

VICIOUS CIRCLE IN THE WHOLESALE MARKET

  Constraints in forward trading have had multiple impacts on traded prices. First, reducing the availability of long-dated gas supplies posted for sale on the forward market puts buyers into a position where they have to compete (what appear to be) "scarce supplies". This tightens the market generally and leads to higher prices than would otherwise be the case. Second, higher volatility and weak price signals make new entrants (eg large consumers, independent generators and energy merchants) wary of posted prices which deters them from entering the market. This reduces forward trading further and the liquidity problem becomes self-reinforcing. (Mergers between producers and exit of US merchants added to the problem of market concentration). Third, with the market is more volatile and allegedly "riskier" to trade in, the incumbent producers are then able to charge a higher "risk premium" to buyers, although producer policies contributed to this situation. A similar pattern may be prevalent in the power market, but as gas prices affect electricity and not vice-versa, the root problem with producers of gas needs tackling first.

PROFITS IN PERSPECTIVE

  Today we see a widening gap between the pre-taxes supply cost of gas delivered into the UK (at 15 p/th ±30%) and the wholesale price (at 65 p/th), which suggests a nominal and pre-tax profit margin of around 50 pence per therm.

  To put the producers' profits into perspective, we can make a back-of-an-envelope calculation by simply estimating the total profits of producers who just supply gas as far as the wholesale market viz. the beach terminal and no further. We can exclude the cost of flexible volume or "swing gas" for which producers will charge a premium. Assuming the UK consumes on average 130 million th per day in a year, the nominal profit shared by the handful of producers = 130, 000,000 th/d x 365 days x 50 p/th = £ 24 billion gross.

  This rough estimate shows just how high the stakes are and the sensitivity of producers to any change in the status quo. This same is probably true of any Exchequer in light of the high tax take involved. At the moment however, supra-normal profits for the club of producers who export gas to the UK is assured; nearly all the equipment is in place and is operating, as are the long-term contractual arrangements which provide the income stream outlined above. Producers have no commercial incentive to advocate changes or foster the development of a wholesale market that may facilitate price discovery and expose any discrepancy with long-term contract prices. So this market is unlikely to correct itself without a proper investigation that would show that a problem exists.

CONCLUSION

  The most recent charge in the wholesale market has seen gas and power prices rise by 300% and 200% respectively versus five years ago. Long-term supply & demand fundamentals alone should not explain increases of this magnitude. Two main factors are responsible for this anomaly. First, the fixing of gas prices to oil in most long-term gas contracts agreements and second the adverse effect on liquidity in the forward market caused by long-term contracts generally, by they oil-indexed or not.

  These two anti-competitive practices might be resolved jointly, by obliging producers to release pre-contracted gas into the open market, albeit at the expense of gas tied up under legacy long-term contracts. In addition, wider measures to promote free-market trading of gas on an over-the-counter basis could be introduced, so more gas is sold on standard, re-tradable contracts. Such remedies, which a Competition Commission investigation should be equipped to identify, will be key to resolving the problems which still exist in the wholesale gas and power markets, some 15 years after privatisation.

  It is odd perhaps to see so much attention placed on the retail gas market, where profit margins per therm are comparatively small (possibly negative in the case of some utilities) and where prices are ultimately dictated by the wholesale market. Further, the question of competition within the wholesale market itself is not included in the terms of reference of the Ofgem inquiry although it is to be covered by the BERR inquiry.

  Whatever motive, design or co-incidence explains the policies of gas producers towards the wholesale market, seemingly synchronised behaviour is having the effect of a price support operation. Because of the complexity of the long-term contracts in question and the cartel-type impact on competition, the multi-national producers concerned should be referred to the Competition Commission. A start can then be made to identify why we are seeing exaggerated gas and electricity prices posted in the wholesale market.

  The Competition Commission is the appropriate body to act, having been set up specifically to deal with such cartel questions under the Enterprise Act. Due to numerous energy mergers and acquisitions in recent years, the final number of gas producers in question may be comparatively small. However, all the companies concerned will have UK gas shipper licences and many will also be UK domiciled. In either case, English law applies to them just like any other entities selling goods and services within the UK.

  Whatever producer practices are distorting market competition, householders and industry are in urgent need of answers. A fully independent investigation by the Competition Commission will deliver this and it may well throw light on some early market remedies as well.

April 2008





 
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