An Appeal to the Chinese People from His
Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama
Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese
brothers and sisters round the world, particularly to those in
the People's republic of China. In the light of the recent developments
in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts concerning
relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and to make
a personal appeal to you all.
I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in
the recent tragic events in Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese
have also died. I feel for the victims and their families and
pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstratcd the
gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek
a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution through dialogue.
Even at this juncture I have expressed my willingness to the Chinese
authorities to work together to bring about peace and stability.
Chinese brothets and sisters, I assure you I
have no desire to seek Tibet'separation. Nor do I have any wish
to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the
contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution
to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of
both Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated
time and again, is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people's
distinctive culture, language and identity. As a simple monk who
strives to live his daily life according to Buddhist precepts,
I assure you of the sincerity of my motivation.
I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC
to clearly understand my position and work to resolve these problems
by "seeking truth from facts", I urge the Chinese leadership
to exercise wisdom and to initiate a meaningful dialogue with
the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make sincere efforts
to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid
creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media's portrayal
of the recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images,
could sow the seeds of racial tension with unpredictable long-term
consequences. This is of grave concern to me. Similarly. despite
my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics, the Chinese authorities,
with the intention of creating rift between the Chinese people
and myself, assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am
encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars
have also expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership's
actions and the potential for adverse long-term consequences,
particularly on relations among different nationalities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples
have lived as neighbours. In the 2,000 year-old recorded history
of our peoples, we have at times developed friendly relations,
even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at other times
we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China
first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have
historically accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection
due to elder Dharma brothers and sisters. This is something well
known to members of the Chinese community living outside China,
some of whom have attended my buddhist lectures, as well as pilgrims
from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet. I
take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to
a better understanding between our two peoples.
The 20th century witnessed enormous changes
in many parts of the world and Tibet, too, was caught up in this
turbulence. Soon after the founding of the People's Republic of
China in 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered Tibet finally
resulting in the 17-Point Agreement concluded between China and
Tibet in May 1951. When I was in Beijing in l954-55, attending
the National People's Congress, I had the opportunity to meet
and develop a personal friendship with many senior leaders, including
Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave me advice on
numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to
the future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired
by the dedication of many of China's revolutionary leaders of
the time, I returned to Tibet full of confidence and optimism.
Some Tibetan members of the Communist Party also had such a hope.
After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek
genuine autonomy for Tibet within the family of the Peop1e's Republic
off China (PRC). I believed that this would best serve the long-term
interests of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.
Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate
in Tibet from around 1956, eventually led to the peaceful uprising
of 10 March 1959, in Lhasa and my eventual escape into exile.
Although many positive developments have taken
place in Tibet under the PRC's rule, these developments, as the
previous Panchen Lama pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed
by immense suffering and extensive destruction. Tibetans were
compelled to live in a state of constant fear, while the Chinese
government remained suspicious of them. However, instead of cultivating
enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless
suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become
friends, which I expressed in the following lines in a prayer
I composed in 1960, a year after I arrived in India: "May
they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and wrong, and may
they abide in the glory of friendship and love". Many Tibetans,
school children among them, recite these lines in their daily
prayers.
In 1974, following serious discussions with
my Kashag (cabinet), as well as the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker
of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies, we decided
to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet from
China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet.
Although we had no contact at the time with the PRC—which
was in the midst of the Cultural Revolution—we had already
recognized that sooner or later, we would have to resolve the
question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that,
at least with regard to modernization and economic development,
it would greatly benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC.
Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is
materially undeveloped.
Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is
the source of many of Asia's major rivers, therefore, protection
of the environment on the Tibetan plateau is of supreme importance.
Since our utmost concern is to safeguard Tibetan Buddhist culture—rooted
as it is in the values of universal compassion—as well as
the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have
worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule
for all Tibetans. The PRC's constitution provides the right for
nationalities such as the Tibetans to do this.
In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader,
Deng Xiaoping assured my personal emissary that "except for
the independence of Tibet all other questions can be negotiated".
Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking a solution
to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found
ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives
met many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts
in 2002, we have had six rounds of talks. However on the fundamental
issue, there has been no concrete result at all. Nevertheless,
as I have declared many times, I remain fully committed to the
Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to continue
to pursue the process of dialogue.
This year the Chinese people ate proudly and
eagerly awaited the opening of the Olympic Games. I have, from
the start supported Beijing's being awarded the opportunity to
host the Games. My position remains unchanged. China has the world's
largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization.
Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging
as a great power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China
also needs to earn the respect and esteem of the global community
through the establishment of an open and harmonious society based
on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the rule of law.
For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy
that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens
have received neither just redress nor any official response.
Similarly, when thousands of ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer
injustice at the hands of exploitative and corrupt local officials,
their legitimate complaints are either ignored or met with aggression.
I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and as someone
who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family
that is the People's Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate
and support President Hu Jintao's policy of creating a "harmonious
society", but this can only arise on the basis of mutual
trust and an atmosphere of freedom, including freedom of speech
and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if these values are
embraced, many important problems relating to minority nationalities
can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern
Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute
only 20% of a total population of 24 million.
I had hoped President Hu Jintao's recent statement
that the stabiIity and safety of Tibet concerns the stability
and safety of the country might herald the dawning of a new era
for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is unfortunate
that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China,
the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a "separatist".
Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously
protested to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese
authorities immediately accused me of having orchestrated their
demonstrations. I have called for a thorough investigation by
a respected body to look into this allegation.
Chinese brothers and sisters—wherever
you may be—with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel
the misunderstandings between our two communities. Moreover, I
appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to
the problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding
and accommodation.
With my prayers,
28 March 2008
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