Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 300 - 319)

THURSDAY 21 FEBRUARY 2008

JAGDEESH, IMRAN, AJMAL, ANITA, KIRANJIT AND MEENA

  Q300  Mrs Cryer: You may not have a job at 18 and be less independent.

  Ajmal: Sure.

  Q301  Mrs Cryer: Our proper Chairman, Keith Vaz, has just arrived and I do not know whether he wants to participate or not but until he tells me to the contrary I will carry on. Is there anyone else that would like to comment on the upping of the age from 18 to 21? Do you all agree?

  Imran: Yes.

  Q302  Mrs Cryer: You all go along with what Ajmal has said. Do you think forced marriages are often carried out in order to get a visa to the UK, by either a man or a women, to get in from the subcontinent?

  Ajmal: Yes, that is true.

  Q303  Mrs Cryer: You think it is visa based?

  Ajmal: I think it is visa based because every marriage is safe. They will get married and just up to that limit where it says this person has got indefinite leave, whether it is a male or a female, the marriage will end from that point and they will say, "I don't want to live with you," or they sign a contract beforehand saying, "Okay, I will marry you just for the visa," and they will stay okay until that time.

  Q304  Mrs Cryer: I have got to say I get a lot of very angry young women coming to me about this and I am sure we all do. Does anyone else want to comment on this question of do people marry in order to get a visa in order to come here? Do you all agree with what Ajmal has just said or do you have a different view?

  Jagdeesh: I think there is a huge practice of this across communities certainly and often females are the bigger victims in all this. UK-born and UK-settled females are used as marriage fodder for a lot of aspiring males who want to get over, and once they are over and settled and permanent, they can go on fishing for bigger fish out there.

  Q305  Mrs Cryer: Have you any ideas about how we could get round that or how communities could get round that? Have you any ideas about how perhaps community centres or mosques, or whatever, could act as marriage bureaus to encourage marriage within the settled community rather than doing it this way? I have thought long and hard about this and I have not got a solution I am afraid.

  Jagdeesh: The whole subject area of community bodies like mosques and gurdawaras and others, it is an area that needs extensive exploration and we need to start from first principles. There is a huge glut of inaction and cover-up and "don't care, don't do" and I think before we even get to the point you are now suggesting there need to be several preliminary steps to say to them in semi robust terms, "Enough is enough, as public institutions although serving a particular community, we expect you to perform a public duty on this subject, and if you are not going to, then maybe we need to consider our position in legal terms as a government in terms of the way we engage with you or do not engage with you." I think morally it is repugnant that you have got these huge institutions, hugely financed actively colluding with these kinds of practices.

  Q306  Mrs Cryer: Does everyone agree with what Jagdeesh has just said?

  Imran: Yes.

  Q307  Martin Salter: Can I ask a controversial question. Was the problem made worse when we got rid of the primary purpose rule? The primary purpose rule was put to us as people who were elected in 1997 as something that was artificially keeping families apart, but the one argument that was, on occasion, made in favour of it—and I do not know if it had any validity at all—was that it was a check against attempts to force people into marriage. I really do not know the answer; I just want to ask the question because I think it has to be asked.

  Jagdeesh: Can you define the primary purpose rule for us?

  Martin Salter: The primary purpose rule allowed immigration officers and the Home Office—and Keith will know better than anyone—to refuse an entry clearance visa because they were not satisfied that the marriage was genuine.

  Mrs Cryer: That was the primary purpose.

  Martin Salter: That it was the primary purpose of the application in other words, but you are probably too young, to be honest. We are too old rather; you are not too young!

  Mrs Cryer: I will move on unless, Keith, you want to come in?

  Chairman: I am fine.

  Mrs Cryer: We will move on to individual questions and the first two will be put by Margaret Moran.

  Q308  Margaret Moran: I wanted to follow up one of the questions that you raised earlier on. Some of the questions have already been covered so it is better not to repeat them. Coming back to the issue, you were all of the view that the age for sponsoring marriage should be raised to 21. Was that what you were all saying? Does everybody agree with that? Could I just probe that a bit. Obviously in the UK, the age at which you are deemed to be adult enough to take decisions and take responsibility on some issues is 16 but the majority are 18. Why do you think that at 18 somebody is not in a position to make a decision like that and what would be the difference when they were 21? Would it not just push the issue further?

  Jagdeesh: I think this will create legal complications and moral complications in the application of a double rule if in the UK, as you say, 18 is the starting point at which you can legally get married. I think it is an area that is full of valid, understandable opinions but one needs to give it more detailed thought and one needs to ask whether forced marriage is the essential subject area that we want to try and look at and whether raising the age will address that or whether there are other ways, such as something like the primary rule aspect, or something, whereby would-be marriages need to be more vigorously scrutinised rather than shifting the age gap. It is the would-be marriage that needs to be scrutinised to verify that it is genuine.

  Q309  Margaret Moran: So a debate around the age might be a distraction from looking at some of the other issues?

  Jagdeesh: I think it is a distraction. Shifting the age sounds good and simple, but on further examination it distracts, it does not inject any obstruction against false marriages. It is the forced marriage bit and whether it is a valid, meaningful marriage that needs to be scrutinised.

  Q310  Margaret Moran: We should focus n the outcomes in relation to forced marriage. Thank you, that is very helpful indeed.

  Jagdeesh: Yes.

  Q311  Margaret Moran: Has anybody been in the position or know somebody where they have been forced to sign papers to say that there is a subsisting relationship and, in particular, do you know of anybody who has tried to alert the Home Office Immigration Service to that happening? Is that anything within anybody's experience?

  Ajmal: After my first wife I was talking about, Angela, they forced me to go through another marriage, and they were saying I had signed the papers, and I could not remember that I had signed the papers. They forged my signature and got it stamped from the High Court of Pakistan from Islamabad stating I was legally married to this girl. I was not agreeing to it and she tried to get a visa and she got entry clearance as well for coming to the UK. I went to the airport. My uncle was a barrister in Pakistan and I told him about it and there was a stop put on it, but most people have not got those kind of facilities that they could go to higher places or anywhere to get that thing stopped. For many in the Asian community, what I am saying is, or any community, it is the same risk factor.

  Q312  Margaret Moran: Because we heard that this was happening and that the immigration officials were not paying attention or were not listening. You seem to be agreeing with that?

  Ajmal: Yes.

  Q313  Margaret Moran: Just one final question, it is really to Anita but perhaps Kiranjit with her experience of Southall Black Sisters now may be able to help. We changed the immigration rules in relation to domestic violence and I think you are involved in this right now. Does anybody have a view on how long it takes to deal with that?

  Meena: Anita's application has not gone in yet. One of the things that is happening is that it has taken several months in which to collate the evidence because the solicitor has applied to the police for their report but they are saying it will be 40 days before they will supply the evidence and with the GPs it could be roughly 20 days before they supply that evidence. When you have got agencies like ours, it could take a week before we provide that evidence because we are also burdened with quite a lot of work and it is difficult to churn it out very quickly. In some cases it has been three months and in some cases it has been six months and in some cases it has been years before they have had a decision, so it varies from one case to another. Where I am expecting a decision not to arrive fairly quickly I am surprised because it has arrived within three months, so it does vary within the Immigration Service how quickly they respond, but it does take time. The other problem for a lot of these women is accessing good legal aid immigration solicitors. Often they end up with solicitors who are charging them and when they come to organisations like ours and we say you can actually get legal aid they then realise they are paying for something they should not be. Then they are referred to another solicitor who may take on the case. A lot of the good solicitors are finding it very difficult because they are constrained by the Legal Services Commission in terms of the hours they are allowed to do. One of the things that we are having to now do is to help those solicitors in preparing statements and help collecting their evidence because they do not have enough hours in which to do that work and there is a huge burden on the voluntary sector now to do that aspect of the work.

  Margaret Moran: Thank you, that is very helpful so there is a delay before you get to the application and a delay afterwards? I cannot remember whether we asked Southall Black Sisters for a note on that but if we did not could we possibly ask for one.

  Martin Salter: I think that would be a good idea.

  Mrs Cryer: Martin is going to ask the last two questions and then if Keith Vaz wants to come in he can do.

  Q314  Martin Salter: Jagdeesh, you talked about the response of the Foreign Office and the difficulties of dealing with the police in the Punjab and elsewhere. I have to say I was involved with the Ian Stillman case and it was a nightmare for us dealing with the police there and it was quite high-level Foreign Office involvement and a lot of pressure put on by the faith groups. I suppose the question I have got to put to you is, are there not two problems: the first is getting the police here to recognise it seriously and to prioritise it; and, secondly, of course, we are dealing with some police networks in the Punjab and elsewhere which have a tacit approval of the tradition of forced marriage and, I am going to be honest here, a degree of corruption, and therefore even with the best will from the Foreign Office and the Metropolitan Police it is going to be the devil's own job in some circumstances getting the police in a foreign jurisdiction with an acceptance of forced marriage to take these thing seriously?

  Jagdeesh: No, I would not agree entirely with what you have said; I would agree 50%. Offloading the problem purely onto Punjab police maladministration and malpractice is not a sufficient answer.

  Q315  Martin Salter: Fair enough.

  Jagdeesh: I think the Foreign Office from basic first principles has demonstrated it beautifully in the Lucie Blackman case in Japan where they picked up her case within a matter of hours and started to bang on the door of the Japanese Prime Minister, no less, as did Robin Cook and Jack Straw, and indeed our PM took up her case at the G8 Summit, no less. The Lucie Blackman case is a powerful case study that I have continued to highlight as a comparator to what did not happen in Surjit's case. In the Lucie Blackman case, you had the case of a British citizen who disappeared in Japan. We had our Government (commendably or opportunitistically) pick up her case and start to demand not an investigation but a reinvestigation by the Japanese police. They demanded that not from the head of the Japanese police, they demanded that from the Japanese Prime Minister, and that kind of formal pressure had massive effect. You saw the very next day after Tony Blair and the Foreign Minister and the Foreign Office started banging away, as you did with the Gillian Gibbons case in the Sudan, the Japanese police, instructed by the Japanese Government, re-open that case. It was re-opened and excellent results emerged. What you did not see in Surjit's case at any point unfortunately, was our PM or our Foreign Minister giving Surjit's case anything like the degree of priority they were ready to give to the Kirsty Jones case in Thailand, the Lucie Blackman case in Japan and indeed the Ian Stillman case and the Peter Bleach case in India where legal rules and legal convictions in the Indian courts were circumvented for Peter Bleach and Ian Stillman (although it was a suspected miscarriage of justice) to bring them back here based on direct approaches by the British Foreign Minister. The critical issues about the Foreign Office are these: at no point in Surjit's case or indeed in any other case, and indeed even now in the Manjit Kular case, have they applied those substantive levels of formal representation on cases of Asian women who have disappeared in India. They have not applied the same levels even for men who are from Asian communities who happen to be caught up in jails or be victims of deaths in India. It is something that they seem to be paralysed on, unwilling to do, and yet they are prepared to do this, I have to say this with great pain, for Gillian Gibbons in Sudan, and you saw the bombastic statements that were being made even to the extent of economic sanctions. We simply have zero effort being made by the Foreign Office in these cases. I will give you a further example. It took me five years—five years—of campaigning, letter writing and parliamentary questions to get a face-to-face meeting with Jack Straw. Lucie Blackman's family got a meeting with Tony Blair and Robin Cook within five days of her disappearing. What a contrast. I had to pressure, prod and frustrate the Foreign Office for five years to remind them, "Have you at any point made any formal representation about the disappearance of a British citizen, ie Surjit, to the Indian Government? Have you done that at a formal level?" The British Foreign Office official turned round and said to me, "Jagdeesh, you have caught us out there. We have not done that at all." Surjit disappeared in December 1998. It was not until 2003, after a lot of banging and questioning, that the Foreign Office instigated a proper letter to the Indian Ministry of External Affairs to say a British citizens has disappeared in mysterious circumstances.

  Q316  Martin Salter: What difference did that Foreign Office letter make? Did that start to free things up?

  Jagdeesh: No it did not because the letter was sent and there was no attempt to follow that up. There was no attempt to follow that up. It was just a ceremonial exercise to satisfy us as a family. We also got a meeting with Jack Straw, no less, five years late though it was. Jack Straw was forthcoming to say to me, "Jagdeesh, we have made mistakes on your sister's case and I want to personally turn this around now." He promised me no less that, "I'll get on to the Indian Prime Minister literally tomorrow on the phone and I'll be raising your sister's case." I was left positively aghast that he was making all these promises to me now. He also said, "I agree with your recommendation that Surjit's case should receive a senior level investigation in India which ties up with the investigation here and I will be pressing for that through the Indian Central Bureau of Investigation." Those promises were made to me in front of several people including MP John McDonnell in November 2003 I walked away from that meeting cautiously optimistic. It is 2008 now and I have not heard anything from Jack Straw's office ever again, even after a letter of reminder about that. So promises were made but never fulfilled. What has happened is the Foreign Minister and the Foreign Office have left an extremely bitter taste in my mouth certainly. In all cases of South Asian woman who happen to have disappeared abroad in India or Pakistan, they seem to display this unexplainable chronic paralysis and moreover plain double standards. I just cannot understand why other than it amounts to some degree of discrimination. Why are a different set of pressures being applied in one case and why are those not consistently applied in other cases? Why? Those were the simple questions we put to Jack Straw and he was both nervously and embarrassingly accepting of that. He said, "There is no explanation for that. We need to clean up our act." He even promised to introduce a system of monitoring, he said, which we had recommended and given to him in a draft form, so that every case is monitored by ethnicity so that we can assess what types of cases by ethnicity get what kind of service. I am sure that has not been implemented. I do not know.

  Q317  Martin Salter: Thank you, Jagdeesh, that is very helpful. My final question is to Imran. I want to get underneath the reasons for why your family were so keen that you married your younger first cousin. Was it entry clearance into the UK? Was it about consolidating family monies and inheritance and land? What were the reasons or was it just a done deal?

  Imran: As soon as I was born and she was born, it was already done, as soon as I was born.

  Q318  Martin Salter: I know, but why? What were their motives for trying to pair you off?

  Imran: For her to get over to the UK.

  Q319  Martin Salter: Just to get her into the UK, so you were basically a ticket to get her into the UK.

  Imran: Yes basically and it was more to keep the family within the family so she could come and get an education, she could eat properly, she could get what she wants to get in life. I did not have a say because as soon as she was born, when I was ten we got engaged. When I was born they had already promised me to my uncle's daughter so at the age of ten I was engaged.


 
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