Memorandum submitted by Oxfam International,
Afghanistan
SUMMARY
This paper outlines urgent action necessary
to address immediate challenges in Afghanistan and to avert humanitarian
disaster. It does not seek to address all issues of concern but
focuses on essential policy change in development and humanitarian
spheres.
While aid has contributed to progress in Afghanistan,
especially in social and economic infrastructureand whilst
more aid is neededthe development process has to date been
too centralised, top-heavy and insufficient. It is has been prescriptive
and supply-driven, rather than indigenous and responding to Afghan
needs. As a result millions of Afghans, particularly in rural
areas, still face severe hardship comparable with sub-Saharan
Africa. Conditions of persistent poverty have been a significant
factor in the spread of insecurity.
Donors must improve the impact, efficiency,
relevance and sustainability of aid. There needs to be stronger
coordination and more even distribution of aid, greater alignment
with national and local priorities and increased use of Afghan
resources. Indicators of aid effectiveness should be established,
and a commission to monitor donor performance.
Despite progress in some ministries, government
capacity is weak and corruption is widespread, which is hindering
service delivery and undermining public confidence in state-building
as a whole. Further major reforms are required in public administration,
anti-corruption and the rule of law.
Urgent action is required to promote comprehensive
rural development, where progress has been slow, through building
local government to deliver essential services, reforming sub-national
governance, and channelling more resources directly to communities.
Whilst Provincial Reconstruction Teams may be
necessary in some areas, they have significantly exceeded their
interim, security mandate. Through diverting resources, they have
impeded the development of effective institutions of local government
and PRT projects are no substitute for long-term, community-led
development work. Military projects can also compromise the neutrality
and scope of humanitarian work. PRTs should therefore adhere to
their mandate: to facilitate the development of stable and secure
environment, and should only undertake relief or development work
where there is a critical need and no civilian alternative. In
accordance with their interim status, each PRT should develop
a phased, conditions-based exit strategy.
Agriculture, and connected trades, is the mainstay
of the nation, supporting 80% of all Afghans, yet it is severely
under-funded. A multi-stakeholder strategy should be developed
to ensure the provision of agricultural support at local level,
covering arable and livestock farming, rural trades, and improved
land and water management. It must ensure relevant support for
the economic and occupational activities of rural women.
Neither aggressive eradication nor licensing
will reduce opium production. The Afghan government and donors
should support a long-term, comprehensive approach which seeks
to promote sustainable rural development and which prioritises
support for licit agricultureand not only in those areas
which grow poppy. There needs to be rigorous and balanced implementation
of the existing counter-narcotics strategy, with greater outreach
to community elders and action against major traffickers.
Despite dramatic improvements in education,
still half of Afghan childrenpredominantly girlsare
out of school and drop out rates for girls are particularly high:
large-scale investments are required in teachers, education infrastructure,
combined with systemic reform.
Whilst significant progress has been made in
the provision of health care, overall public health remains poor.
Donors and the government should do more to expand the provision
of health care in remote areas; strengthen institutional capacity,
coordination and security at sub-national level; expand and improve
hospital care; and increase the number of female health workers.
High numbers of civilian casualties are being
caused by all parties to the conflict. There must be continued
condemnation of the actions of armed opposition groups which cause
civilian casualties, including summary executions, suicide bombs,
roadside attacks and the use of civilian locations from which
to launch attacks, all of which are wholly unacceptable. International
forces must ensure that the use of force is proportionate both
in air strikes and house searches, and even more determined efforts
must be made to ensure the security of Afghan communities in insurgency-affected
areas. Actions that undermine the good-will of the people ultimately
undermine both stability and opportunities for development.
The separation of NATO and US-led coalition
commands creates inconsistencies in operating standards and in
civil-military coordination: there should be unified NATO command
of all international forces, close coordination with Afghan forces
and universally applicable standards of operation, rigorously
enforced. A new multi-stakeholder entity should be established
through the UN to investigate and monitor alleged abuses. International
forces should establish a system to ensure compensation or other
reparation for civilian casualties and the destruction of property.
According to the UN there are 130,000 long-term
displaced people in Afghanistan, and recent fighting has displaced
up to 80,000; this year there has also been a substantial influx
of refugees and deportees from Pakistan and Iran, respectively.
Donors should ensure sufficient resources are available to respond
to these increasing population movements.
Local level disputes have a significant cumulative
impact on peace, development and the wider conflict. There should
be a national strategy for community peace-building, which strengthens
social cohesion and enhances community capacities to resolve conflict;
it should be led by community leaders and civil-society, and fully-supported
by donors. It should include measures to ensure the participation
of women in peace-building activities.
As a land-locked country, with vast, largely
porous borders, Afghanistan is unavoidably affected by the policies
of its neighbours. They should do more to help the country on
refugees, security, narcotics, and trade, which is in their own
long-term interests. To address underlying problems, the international
community in Afghanistan must achieve a deeper level of engagement
on regional issues. Military action by a foreign power against
Iran, or against groups in the Afghan border areas of Pakistan,
could be seriously destabilising for Afghanistan.
A clear majority of Afghans support the international
presence in Afghanistan, [105]but
the development process has made only a limited difference to
their lives, and with spreading insecurity a change of course
is now essential. The policy changes proposed in this paper would
represent a step towards achieving that and they should therefore
be incorporated into the revised Afghan National Development Strategy.
[106]
Peace in Afghanistan cannot be achieved without
improving the lives of ordinary Afghans. This requires strong
leadership by the Afghan government and sustained and concerted
action by donors and neighbouring states. It requires more determined
efforts by all donors, with greater direction from the United
Nations, which is severely under-resourced, and the Joint Coordination
and Monitoring Board (JCMB). A resolute, substantial and long-term
commitment by the international community is essential not only
to secure development progress but to halt the spread of insecurity.
As by far the largest donor and troop-contributor,
the role of the United States in Afghanistan will be critical.
However, all donors and troop-contributing states have a crucial
role in pressing for urgent action to meet the challenges facing
Afghanistan: millions of lives depend upon it.
Further information: for more details please
contact Matt Waldman, Policy and Advocacy Adviser, Oxfam International,
Afghanistan. [107]
1. Aid effectiveness
Since 2001, Afghanistan has received more than
$15 billion in assistance, and the US House of Representatives
recently approved $6.4 billion more in economic and development
assistance. [108]Aid
will be crucial to Afghanistan's development for many years and,
as this paper argues, many areas are under-resourced.
However, too much aid to Afghanistan is provided
in ways that are ineffective or inefficient. For example, Afghanistan's
biggest donor, the US Agency for International Development (USAID)
allocates close to half of its funds to the five largest US contractors
in the country. [109]As
in Iraq, too much aid is absorbed by profits of companies and
sub-contractors, on non-Afghan resources and on high expatriate
salaries and living costs. Each full-time expatriate consultant
costs up to half a million dollars a year. [110]
The Afghan government has significant budget
execution problems, due to insufficient or ineffective donor efforts
to build the institutional and implementing capacities of line
ministries. Some two-thirds of US foreign assistance bypasses
the Afghan government that officials say they want to strengthen.
A number of donors, including the UK's Department
for International Development (DFID), provide significant funds
through the Afghan Reconstruction Trust Fund (ARTF), which provides
a predictable and accountable source of funds for recurrent government
expenditure. However, it is regrettable that DFID has very substantially
reduced its funding for Afghan and international NGOs, who play
an important role in grassroots capacity building, rural development
and support for delivery of essential services.
There is insufficient direction and support
provided by the UN and JCMB, both of which are substantially under-resourced,
and too little coordination between donors and the government
of Afghanistan. Of all technical assistance to Afghanistan, which
accounts for a quarter of all aid to the country, only one-tenth
is coordinated among donors or with the government. [111]Nor
is there sufficient collaboration on project work, which inevitably
leads to duplication or incoherence of activities by different
donors.
Funding for development is a fraction of that
spent on military operations: the US military is spending $65,000
a minute in Afghanistan ($35 billion for 2007). [112]Aid
funds are following the fighting: USAID concentrates more than
half of its budget on the four most insecure provinces; DFID allocates
one-fifth of its budget to Helmand. [113]Promoting
development in the south is essential but, as we have seen over
the last two years, if other provinces are neglected then insecurity
could spread.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The British Government should ensure its aid
programme is consistent with the following recommendations; as
a major and well-regarded donor to Afghanistan, it should also
use its influence to press other donors, especially the United
States, to accept and support them.
Reconfigure and coordinate aid
Donors should ensure aid programmes are consistent
with Afghanistan's national and local development priorities.
The JCMB and UN should be significantly strengthened to coordinate
donor activities and ensure a more even distribution of resources.
[114]They
should also seek to ensure that the distribution of aid does not
disproportionately benefit one or other of Afghanistan's ethnic
groups.
Increase transparency
Donors should publicly provide comprehensive
information on aid flows, including on tender procedures, use
of Afghan resources, and contractor salaries and profit margins.
Establish indicators of aid effectiveness
Indicators of aid effectiveness, with correlative
targets, should be established for each objective under Annex
II of the Afghanistan Compact and those contained in the Paris
Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. [115]
Establish a Commission for Aid Effectiveness
An independent Commission on Aid Effectiveness
should be established, possibly through the UN, and supported
by independent management consultants, to monitor compliance with
the proposed aid indicators, and deficiencies in the delivery
of aid. Each donor should report regularly to the proposed Commission
on the extent to which it meets or falls short of aid effectiveness
targets, in particular: impact, efficiency, relevance and sustainability
of aid, and use of Afghan resources.
Increase the volume of aid
There is a powerful case for more aid to be
directed to areas highlighted in this paper, such as education
and agriculture, in conjunction with steps to enhance its effectiveness
and build ministerial implementing capacity. The internationally-administered
Trust Funds offer an effective means of minimising waste. [116]At
the same time, sufficient funds should also be allocated to effective
Afghan and international NGOs. However, any overall increase in
the volume of aid to Afghanistan should not be at the expense
of aid to other developing countries.
2. National Governance
Weaknesses in governance are increasingly cited
by Afghans as a reason for dissatisfaction with the government.
They hinder service delivery and undermine the legitimacy and
credibility of state-building as a whole, thereby contributing
to greater insecurity.
Government systems and processes are opaque,
bureaucratic and convoluted, giving rise to opportunities for
graft. Corruption is widespread, endemic and, as the Joint Coordination
and Monitoring Board puts it, "continues to flourish".[117]
Despite some improvements, the institutional and technical capacity
of line ministries is weak and there are profound deficiencies
in human resources. Female participation in government institutions
and in decision-making remains limited.
There is uncertainty about the roles and responsibilities
of state entities, with poor coordination between them. They are
subjected to only limited, ad hoc scrutiny, and parliament is
yet to establish an effective system for scrutinising government
policies.
These problems are compounded by the opium economy,
where there are links to central government, and weaknesses in
the justice sector, where, "rule of law remains precarious,
governance is fragile, and the judicial system is ineffectual
and inaccessible".[118]
Despite improvements, the Afghan National Police (ANP) lacks both
professionalism and independence.
The problems cannot all be attributed to the
government: donor programmes have in many cases failed to build
institutional capacities or establish proper systems of governance.
Incoherent, wasteful and short-term programmes, with weak financial
oversight, have to some degree accentuated problems of corruption,
inefficiency and lack of coordination.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Strengthen public administration reform
Several mechanisms, such as the Advisory Panel
on Senior Appointments and the Independent Administrative Reform
and Civil Service Commission, have been established to ensure
fair, transparent, and merit-based appointments, but have not
yet delivered results. These bodies must themselves be transparent
and subject to independent scrutiny; they should comprise only
those members who are demonstrably independent. It is the duty
of the international communitywhose funds are at staketo
press for such changes.
Pay and grading reform, due to be implemented
over a four-year period, should be expedited. Stronger leadership
and greater efforts are required by ministers and donors to increase
women's participation in government and to build the capacity
of line ministries to implement the National Action Plan for Women.
Continued efforts must be made to strengthen the capacity of civil
administration, clarify responsibilities, and improve coordination
between ministries. Reform of sub-national governance is a priority,
which is outlined in following section.
Enhance anti-corruption measures
Rigorous implementation of the national anti-corruption
strategy is essential. The Anti-Corruption Commission should be
overhauled to ensure its transparency and integrity. With international
support there should be concerted measures to enhance transparency
of government operations, especially in tax, procurement and expenditure;
build stronger mechanisms for monitoring, oversight and audit;
eliminate bureaucracy, and streamline processes and procedures.
Measures to address corruption in politics, counter-narcotics
institutions and the private sector are equally important. Major
reform of the ANP is required to enhance professionalism, accountability
and diversity, and to ensure autonomy from political interference.
[119]
Reform the legal and institutional framework
As part of broader reform of the justice sector,
the legal and institutional anti-corruption framework must be
strengthened. This will require measures to enhance the capabilities,
independence and integrity of the judiciary and anti-corruption
institutions, and to implement and enforce the UN Convention Against
Corruption.
3. Rural Development and Sub-National Governance
While aid has undoubtedly contributed to progress
in Afghanistan, especially in social and economic infrastructure,
the development process has not sufficiently benefited the majority
of the population who live in rural areas, where essential services,
such as water or electricity, remain scarce or insufficient.
Line ministries are over-centralised and dominate
resource allocation, management and planning from Kabul. Provincial
line departments have limited autonomy and are subject to interventions
by Governors' Offices which creates operational problems and deters
the de-concentration of resources. In villages and districts government
is either non-existent or weak and ineffective having limited
capabilities and profoundly inadequate human and financial resources.
[120]There
has been very little donor or government activity to build institutional
capacity at district and provincial level, and no such efforts
with national coverage.
At sub-national level there are a number of
administrative, appointed and elected entities, which have unclear
or overlapping responsibilities, with insufficient or uncertain
resources (for example, at provincial level: the Governor's Office,
Line Departments, Provincial Council, Administrative Assembly
and Development Committee).
There is excessive bureaucracy, lack of transparency
and significant disparities in the distribution of government
resources throughout the country. (For example some provinces
have more than twenty times the per capita funding for health
than for others.) [121]In
a number of provincial centres corruption is endemic and tribal
and ethnic factors, rather than competency, determine key appointments.
[122]Municipalities
have unclear responsibilities and revenue-raising powers, weak
financial management and limited accountability.
The National Solidarity Programme (NSP) has
succeeded in channelling resources directly to elected Community
Development Councils (CDCs) representing over 25,000 villages,
over 70% of Afghanistan's communities. Through the Programme NGO
assistance is provided for community-directed development projects,
for example water supply or school construction, and there have
been several positive assessments of the Programme in terms of
project implementation, governance and stabilisation. Yet funding
for the NSP programme has been irregular and its future is uncertain;
the expanded role and legal status of CDCs set out in a new by-law
and their relationship to other elements of local government is
also uncertain. [123]
RECOMMENDATIONS
Build local government to deliver essential services
Intensive efforts are required to build the
capacity of the Afghan government to deliver or oversee the delivery
of essential services at local level, especially education, water,
sanitation and health (where most provision is indirect). Reform
must seek to de-concentrate the centralised powers and resources
of ministries, and build institutional systems and capacities
at local level. Donors and key ministries, including the new Independent
Directorate for Local Governance, should establish a group to
intensify and coordinate efforts on this issue.
Reform sub-national governance
Legislative reform is required to clarify the
roles, responsibilities and relationships of sub-national state
entities at provincial, municipal, district and village level,
including CDCs, and to rationalise and clarify coordination and
planning. Reform should ensure that the primary role of the Governor's
Offices is provincial coordination and planning, rather than involvement
in the operation of line departments. Greater technical and financial
support should be provided to elected bodies, principally Provincial
Councils, to support monitoring, oversight and representation,
particularly on development issues. [124]Measures
are also required to enhance local government transparency, simplify
procedures and strengthen ongoing public administration reforms.
In conjunction with wider legislative, coordination and planning
reform, such measures could substantially improve accountability
and reduce corruption.
Increase support to communities
More resources should be channelled directly
to communities by (1) ensuring a timely and sufficient flow of
funds to CDCs, and providing guaranteed funding to secure the
future of the Programme; (2) through CDCs, channelling funds for
sector-specific and multi-community projects; and (3) where CDCs
do not exist, using other means of providing support to communities,
such as through local NGOs.
4. Provincial Reconstruction Teams
There are 25 Provincial Reconstruction Teams
(PRTs) in Afghanistan led by 13 different nations. Their mission
statement is to "assist the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan
to extend its authority, in order to facilitate the development
of a stable and secure environment in the identified area of operations,
and enable Security Sector Reform and reconstruction efforts".[125]
The PRT Handbook also states that each PRT is an "interim
structure", which, on fulfilment of its mission, should be
dismantled.
PRTs have gone well beyond this interim, security
mandate, often engaging in extensive development work, implemented
either by the military or government agencies. Afghan communities
appreciate any support they can get, but whilst PRT resources
and activities have expanded, local government institutions, with
significantly smaller budgets, have been under-used and under-developed.
It will not be possible to strengthen institutions of local government
and to improve their accountability, if they are deprived of resources.
[126]In
some cases PRTs have used their influence to intervene in provincial
political or administrative affairs which has generated considerable
local resentment.
There are major variations in funding and activities
between PRTs and a significant number of projects are not in alignment
with provincial or national plans, or the interim Afghanistan
National Development Strategy. Being nation-led, they are often
driven more by available funding or the political interests of
the nation involved rather than development considerations. Frequent
use of local contractors, especially in the south, has meant many
projects are badly implemented; systemic or political pressure
and frequent rotations has tended to result in a large number
of small-scale, short-term projects. The absence of community
participation, or association with the military, has led to projects
which are unsuitable, unused or targeted by militants.
Given the historic suspicion of foreign intervention,
such efforts to win "hearts and minds" are naive. It
is unsurprising that the huge expansion of PRT activities has
not prevented the deterioration of security. The development process
needs to be owned and led by Afghan communities, which is essential
for sustainability. PRTs are no substitute for long-term development
work.
PRTs also blur the distinction between the military
and aid workers, jeopardising the perceived neutrality of the
latter, putting them in danger and reducing operating space for
humanitarian organisations.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Re-focus PRTs
PRTs should adhere to their mandate: to facilitate
the development of a stable and secure environment; and they should
only exist where security conditions make them absolutely necessary.
[127]In
respect of humanitarian activities, as the international community
first agreed in the "Oslo Guidelines" of 1994, the military
should only undertake relief work in exceptional circumstances:
where there is a critical humanitarian need and no civilian alternative,
and their activities should focus on "indirect assistance
and infrastructure support".[128]
As indicated above, the quality and impact of this work could
in many cases be substantially improved.
Exit strategies
In accordance with their interim status, exit
strategies should be developed for each PRT, with down-scaling
and closure plans for those in comparatively secure areas. At
a macro level donor funds should be re-routed from PRTs to national
government, through the internationally-administered Afghanistan
Trust Funds, and, as a priority, to local government and Afghan
communities.
5. Agriculture
Agriculture, and connected occupations and trades,
supports the subsistence or employment of at least 80% of Afghans
and has traditionally accounted for at least half the economy.
However, war, displacement, persistent droughts, flooding, the
laying of mines, and the sustained absence of natural resource
management has led to massive environment degradation and the
depletion of resources. In recent years Afghanistan's overall
agricultural produce has fallen by half. [129]Over
the last decade in some regions Afghanistan's livestock population
has fallen by up to 60%[130]
and over the last two decades, the country has lost 70% of its
forests. [131]There
continue to be major food shortages, and this year the World Food
Programme aims to provide food to 5.4 million Afghans. [132]
Yet, given the scale of reliance on agriculture,
international support in the sector has been modest and government
assistance extremely limited. Donors have spent only $270 million
directly on agricultural projects over the last six yearsa
fraction of overall assistance to Afghanistan. [133]For
example in Daikundi province, there are close to half a million
people who depend on the land, yet there is virtually no international
support for agriculture. The provincial Department of Agriculture,
Irrigation and Livestock which is responsible for providing all
official support for farming in the province, has a threadbare
staff of 16, only two of whom have relevant qualifications, with
no funds for projects.
Rural unemployment is extremely high at over
50%, and is exacerbated by large scale deportations of economic
migrants from Iran and the return of refugees. A convoluted system
of land rights remains an impediment to greater investment in
and use of agricultural land.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Develop a comprehensive strategy to ensure agricultural
support at local level
Urgent efforts must be made to provide local-level
support for agriculture and off-farm trades, which would improve
livelihoods, strengthen food security and reduce unemployment.
The Afghan government, with the support of the Food and Agriculture
Organisation, donors and NGOs, should develop a strategy to enhance
the institutional capacity of the Department of Agriculture at
district level, and expand the scale and range of agricultural
support.
The strategy should cover the recruitment and
training of staff, technical support in designing and implementing
projects, streamlining bureaucracy, coordination with other relevant
line departments and the provision of substantial additional resources.
Contracting-out to NGOs, as used for health care delivery, could
help to overcome short-term capacity constraints.
In programme terms, the strategy should address:
the distribution of improved seed varieties, fertilisers and pesticides;
crop diversification, horticulture, and kitchen gardens; training
in agricultural skills, techniques and improved animal husbandry
methods; livestock development, especially improved use of fodder
crops, fodder storage, management of grazing land, and herd or
flock management; the provision of veterinary services, especially
for vaccinations and disease control in remote areas; and the
provision of agricultural tools and sustainable mechanisation.
Wider establishment of community cooperatives could help farmers
gain access to finance, and share best practices and resources.
The strategy must ensure that rural women benefit from increased
support, whether in farming or off-farm rural trades, and that
their particular skills and resource needs are addressed.
Improve land and water management capabilities
The proposed strategy should incorporate capacity
building and financial support for effective land management;
water resources management, especially irrigation systems and
water-shed programmes; and community-based disaster risk reduction.
On-going land rights reform, to clarify and harmonise multiple
systems of land tenure, should be expedited. Support is also required
for processing and marketing methods, transport infrastructure
and access to markets.
Support rural trades
Greater resources should be devoted to support
for off-farm and non-farm income generation activities, such as
carpet-making or handicraftsranging from skills training
to access to markets.
6. Counter-Narcotics
The cultivation of poppy and production of opium
is up on last year by 17% and 34% respectively. Production has
doubled in two years and now accounts for 93% of global illicit
supply. [134]Although
cultivation has been reduced in the centre-north of Afghanistan,
cultivation in the insecure south has vastly increased. State
officials are known to be complicit in poppy cultivation, trafficking
or non-intervention. The opium industry is valued at between one
and three billion dollars a year, accounting for up to a third
of the economy.
The opium economy is deep-rooted and complex,
inextricably connected both to insecurity and to poverty, and
compounded by inequitable systems of land tenure, share-cropping
and credit. According to the UN Office of Drugs and Crime, over
90% of farmers grow opium for economic reasons, and only a fraction
would continue to do so if there were viable alternatives. [135]
RECOMMENDATIONS
Adopt a comprehensive, long-term approach
There are no simple solutions or quick fixes
to the narcotics problem. In particular, only limited progress,
if any, can be expected in Helmand province, which produces more
than half of Afghan opium. The reality of a global heroin market
should be taken into account: as long as demand persists, opium
will be produced somewhere to meet illicit demand.
The Afghan government and donors should support
a long term, multi-sectoral approach which above all seeks to
achieve sustainable rural development. As success in tackling
opium production in Thailand demonstrates, counter-narcotics requires
broad-based economic development and state-building, particularly
at local level. [136]
There needs to be substantial additional support
for licit agriculture, as well as off-farm and other rural trades,
as outlined in the previous section, so that farmers are not forced
to turn to poppy. Agricultural programmes must be comprehensive
and not just focused on those areas that grow poppy: alternative
livelihood programmes, where they are area- or target-limited,
can create perverse incentives. To support a long-term approach,
counter-narcotics should be removed from short-term political
milestones for Afghanistan which have been established by the
international community. In addition, there needs to be mainstreaming
of the drugs issue into overall reconstruction and peace-building
efforts, a better understanding of global market dynamics and
greater Afghan ownership over the drugs policy debate.
Strengthen implementation of the National Drug
Control Strategy
There needs to be a more rigorous and balanced
implementation of the National Drugs Control Strategy, which rightly
includes elements of interdiction, manual eradication, incentives,
public information, demand reduction and law enforcement. In particular,
donors and the government should:
Expand outreach to mullahs and
community elders who are the central authority, both in morality
and governance, for rural Afghans (more than one in three farmers
who have decided not to grow poppy attribute their decision to
religion or the disapproval of elders). [137]
Ensure law enforcement starts
at the top: prosecutions or action to undermine the activities
of major drug barons or state officials who are complicit in trafficking,
would have a powerful disruptive and deterrent effectso
far fewer than a dozen mid-level traffickers have been prosecuted.
Institute treatment and harm
reduction programmes for drug users in Afghanistan, [138]neighbouring
countries and international consumption markets, to reduce demand
for Afghan opiates and to reduce the risk of blood-borne diseases
such as HIV/AIDS and hepatitis C.
Reject proposals for aggressive eradication
Evidence indicates that small farmers cannot
easily shift to alternative crops, thus eradication should only
be used where it is targeted, and where there are substantial
and viable livelihood alternatives. Without such alternatives,
eradication can severely exacerbate rural poverty, simply displace
cultivation, and even create incentives for farmers to increase
opium cultivation in response to actual or threatened eradication.
The government should reject aggressive eradication, such as aerial
spraying, which would hit poor Afghan farmers, not the traffickers.
It would drive them to seek protection from anti-government groups,
lead to greater backing for the Taliban and create wider insecurity.
Reject proposals for licensing cultivation for
medical opiates
To fulfil domestic requirements, the Afghan
government could legitimately use confiscated opiates for medicinal
production. However, the Afghan government and donors should reject
proposals for licensing, which would be ineffective and unworkable
in Afghanistan, for the following reasons:
This would not affect the production
of illicit opium because (1) half the country is highly insecure
and in many areas either the Taliban dominate or the government's
authority is too weak to operate such a programme, and (2) the
licit price could never match the illicit price, which could be
as much as ten times greater, thus the black market would remain.
[139]
The additional demand and greater
perceived legitimacy would result in increased cultivation: currently
only 4% of Afghanistan's agricultural land is used for poppy.
[140]
There are insufficient resources
or controls to prevent illicit diversion of the licit cropwhich
is up to 30% of total production in India. [141]Thus,
the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) could not sanction
such use, as it requires guaranteed security of the licit crop.
It would confuse messages on
drug control from the government, donors and not least, from the
mullahs who have decreed that it is against Islam. [142]
It is unnecessary: according
to the INDB there is a world over-supply of opiates: national
shortages or under-usage, especially in developing countries,
is caused by restrictive legal regulations and bureaucracy, low
health care budget resources and low policy priority for palliative
care.
Production, transport, bureaucratic
and control costs would render Afghan morphine uncompetitive as
against other licit producers in the global market, such as Australia.
7. Education
Despite very significant increase in enrolment,
approximately half of Afghan childrenpredominantly girlsare
out of school. In 2006 overall enrolment in primary education
was 50% for boys and just 20% for girls; for secondary education,
it was 20% and 5% respectively.
Teachers are paid an average of just $50 per
month; only 20% are professionally qualified and less than a third
is female. There is an immediate shortage of some 50,000 teachers.
A high proportion of girls drop out of school to a lack of female
teachers, especially in rural areas. [143]
A significant number of government schools charge
end-user fees despite a provision in the Afghan Constitution which
guarantees free education. Over 5,000 schools have no buildings.
There are major variations between the quality, cost and investment
in education between provinces, and national budgeting and expenditure
systems are complex and bureaucratic.
As an example, in Daikundi province, of roughly
1,000 official and unofficial teachers, only two have relevant
professional qualifications; of 220 schools, only 28 have buildings;
and 85% of schools charge user-fees. [144]
Increasing insecurity in the south has had a
major deleterious impact on education, where over 300 schools
to close due to violence or threats, [145]and
overall attendance levels for girls remain extremely low.
RECOMMENDATIONS
International donors should give substantial
additional funding to support the implementation of the national
education strategy. As set out in Oxfam's recent report on education
in Afghanistan[146]
amongst other things, the priorities should be to:
Recruit, train and support more teachers
Recruit and train of over 50,000
additional primary school teachers, at least 50% female.
Increase the teaching wage and
the resettlement allowance for those moving to rural areas.
Establish well-resourced teacher-training
colleges in all provinces and institute comprehensive, in-service
training to raise the quality of teaching.
Institute training and other
measures to eliminate corporal punishment in schools and to address
violence between students.
Build education infrastructure
Construct at least 7,000 school
buildings over the next five years; expand support for outreach
classes or community schools in remote areas.
Eliminate formal and informal
end-user fees.
Provide a universal midday meal
in all schools, which would cost $200 million per annum, and has
been proven to increase enrolment rates, improve student performance
and address child malnutrition. [147]
Produce and distribute nation-wide
high quality text-books to all schools.
Give more support to communities
to improve the security of schools, and to achieve greater security
of access for girls.
Improve financial systems, planning and coordination
Move towards a zero-based budgeting
system, coordinate planning at district and national level, and
establish a system of resource monitoring.
Enhance coordination between
donors, NGOs, and PRTs to ensure alignment with national and provincial
plans, especially in respect of school construction, and to ensure
a more even distribution of education funds throughout the country.
8. Health
Significant progress has been made in the provision
of health care through the Basic Package of Health Care Services
(BPHS), which is implemented on a contractual basis by NGOs and
other providers, and overseen by the Ministry of Public Health.
Donor-government coordination in health care is effective and
there has been progress in capacity building of health care institutions
and personnel, primarily at a central level.
Progress has been made from a very low base.
Over the last five years there has been a 25% fall in infant mortality,
but still, on average, one in five children die before the age
of five. [148]The
proportion of young children receiving vital immunisations has
substantially increased, but still around a third of children
do not receive vaccinations against tuberculosis or polio. [149]
Over the last three years the number of rural
women receiving antenatal care has increased dramatically; likewise,
those receiving skilled assistance with child-birth has increased
three-fold, yet assistance is currently available to fewer than
one in five. [150]The
maternal mortality ratio remains one of the highest in the world;
overall life expectancy is just 46 years.
Health care standards and resources vary throughout
the country, and insecurity, particularly in the south and south-east,
is increasingly constraining the provision of health care in those
areas; for example, 21 health clinics have been forced to close
in Helmand province. [151]
RECOMMENDATIONS
Expand the provision of health care in remote
areas
Although BPHS coverage is impressive, access
is limited for those who live in isolated rural areas as a result
of physical, climactic, cost, insecurity and cultural constrains.
Thus, more primary health care centres should be established in
rural areas, with further measures to promote public health awareness,
provide training to district and community health staff, and expand
the system of Community Health Workers. Better planning by donors
and the MoPH could address provincial disparities in the allocation
of resources; donors should also ensure sufficient funding and
coordination for the Expanded Programme on Immunization to maximise
national coverage.
Strengthen institutional capacity, coordination
and security at sub-national level
Donors should provide more support for institutional
capacity-building of the MoPH at provincial and local level, particularly
in human resources. The MoPH should establish an effective, integrated
procurement system and improve provincial-level collaboration
and coordination with NGOs and other agencies. Provincial strategies
to ensure the security of clinics and safety of health workers
should be developed, which includes enhancing engagement with
local communities.
Expand and improve secondary and tertiary health
care
Whilst the BPHS seeks to address primary health
care needs, donors and the Afghan government should invest more
in hospitals and health centres. The Essential Package of Hospital
Services (EPHS) should be implemented in more hospitals to ensure
better management and a higher quality of supplies, facilities
and care in all core clinical functions: medicine, surgery, paediatrics,
obstetrics and gynaecology. Hospital standards should be developed
with effective monitoring and a comprehensive system of training
for hospital staff. [152]
Increase the number of female health workers
A key means of improving women's health, which
has been proven to benefit the health of families as a whole,
is by expanding access to female health staff. Better opportunities
for training and employment packages, which include higher salaries,
accommodation incentives and security provisions should be provided
in order to attract and retain female health workers.
Increase core government spending on health
Core government spending on health is less than
1% of GDPequating to around 10% of the overall health budget,
with the remainder provided by external sources. [153]To
secure a sustainable, comprehensive health service, the proportion
of core government funding for health must be increased.
9. Protection
The security situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated
significantly: the UN estimates that the frequency of attacks,
bombings and other violent incidents is up 20-30% on 2006. [154]By
October this year, the conflict had claimed between 4,000 and
5,000 lives, significantly more according to some sources, [155]compared
to roughly 4,000 for 2006. [156]At
least 1,200 civilians have been killed, approximately half of
whom were killed in operations conducted by international and
Afghan forces. [157]There
are four times as many air-strikes by international forces in
Afghanistan as in Iraq, to which a high number of casualties can
be attributed. [158]Searches
conducted by Afghan and international forces have on a number
of occasions involved excessive use of force, destruction of property
and/or mistreatment of suspects. Discrete ISAF and US-led commands
creates operational incoherence, variable operating standards,
inconsistent practices in civil-military co-ordination, and hinders
cooperation with Afghan national security forces.
Insurgent and criminal attacks have intensified,
killing over 500 Afghan police[159]
and 150 international soldiers this year; more than 130 suicide
attacks have killed well over 200 civilians. [160]In
the south, south-east and east of the country insurgents are mounting
an increasingly vigorous terror campaign of threats, abductions
and executions aimed against members of the population suspected
of being connected to the Afghan government and its military and
civilian international supporters.
According to the UN there are 130,000 long-term
displaced people in Afghanistan, and recent fighting in the south
has displaced up to 80,000. [161]Insecurity
has had a wider impact on livelihoods, forcing the closure of
education and health facilities. Humanitarian access has been
significantly curtailed; kidnappings are rife17 aid workers
were abducted in September aloneand close to half the country,
the south and south-east, is now categorised as an extreme or
high risk environment for NGOs (see Appendix 1). [162]Security
in parts of northern Afghanistan has also deteriorated.
Achieving greater security is a priority for
Afghans. The inability of the government and international community
to provide greater protection for communitiesundoubtedly
a challenging taskis a major reason for Afghans turning
to the aegis of the Taliban or other anti-government groups.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Ensure proportionate use of force
Afghan and international forces should take
all possible steps to minimise civilian casualties and the destruction
of civilian property, including rigorous verification of intelligence,
and should ensure that searches are conducted with proportionate
force and respect for human rights and traditional values. Crucially,
the approach must incorporate an empathetic appreciation of the
perspective of Afghan people.
Unify command of international forces, ensure
common operating standards and enhance coordination with Afghan
forces
There should be unified NATO command for all
international forces in Afghanistan, with a permanent mechanism
to monitor operating standards of all units, ensure all detainees
are treated in accordance with international humanitarian law,
including those transferred to the custody of Afghan authorities,
and strengthen coordination with Afghan forces. Wherever possible
community elders should be engaged or forewarned in respect of
military operations.
Establish new mechanisms to monitor, investigate
and compensate for civilian casualties
A new cross-sector body should be established,
comprising the Afghan government, ISAF, UN and Afghan Independent
Human Rights Commission, to monitor and investigate civilian casualties,
destruction of property and alleged abuses. A comprehensive system
should be instituted to ensure timely and sufficient compensation
is paid to civilians who have suffered from military operations.
Support increasing numbers of refugees and IDPs
A national action plan should be developed to
respond to the needs of IDPs and refugees, covering protection,
re-settlement support, resolution of land disputes, and longer-term
assistance. It should take account of the potential for significant
future movements in light of increasing insecurity.
10. Community Peace-building
Almost all of the peace-building work in Afghanistan
has been at a political level, where there are links to warlordism,
corruption or criminality, or it is target-limited, such as the
disarmament programmes. Initiatives such as the Action Plan on
Peace, Reconciliation and Justice are significant, but lack clarity
and are primarily concerned with peace and reconciliation at a
national level. Implementation of the Plan has been non-existent
or extremely limited. [163]Moreover,
most peace-building measures only marginally, indirectly or partially
concern the people of Afghanistan. The capacity of Afghan communities
to resolve their own disputes, and build and sustain peace, has
largely been neglected.
The recent deterioration in security, particularly
in the south and south-east of Afghanistan, is evidence that top-down
approaches are by themselves inadequate, without parallel nationwide,
peace-work at ground level.
War has fractured and strained the social fabric
of the country and has deepened widespread poverty, which is itself
a cause of insecurity. An Oxfam Security Survey of 500 people
in six provinces shows that disputes at a local level often have
root causes in poverty, and are largely related to resources,
particularly land and water, family matters or inter-community
and tribal differences.
Local disputes frequently lead to violence and
insecurity, which not only destroys quality of life and impedes
development work, but is also exploited by commanders or warlords
to strengthen their positions in the wider conflict. Security
threats, are diversenot only the Taliban as is sometimes
portrayedand in many cases they have local roots or connections.
In rural areas, predominantly local mechanisms are used to resolve
disputes, especially community or tribal councils of elders (known
as jirgas or shuras), and district governors.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Promote community peace-building
There is a clear need for widespread community
peace-building. This is a participatory, bottom-up approach, which
strengthens community capacities to resolve disputes and conflict;
to develop trust and social cohesion within and between communities;
and to promote inter-ethnic and inter-group dialogue. It focuses
on capacity building in mediation, negotiation and conflict resolution
techniques and supports civil society and schools' involvement
in local peace and development. Existing community peace-building
programmes, implemented by Afghan and international NGOs, including
Oxfam, have been highly effective. An independent analysis of
the work of one peace-building NGO in western Afghanistan concluded
that the programmes had a major positive impact on local security
and that it was 'a creative initiative at the forefront of enabling
and supporting what is truly wanted by Afghan partners and communities.
[164]Thus,
donors should significantly expand support for NGOs and civil
society actors carrying out such work.
Develop a national strategy for community peace-building
Given that existing work on community peace-building
in Afghanistan has such a major impact on peace and development,
yet remains fragmented and benefits only a tiny proportion of
Afghans, there is powerful case for the development of a national
strategy. In Kenya for example, where Oxfam has undertaken community
peace-building for over a decade, there is now a national steering
committee and peace-network to ensure high quality coordinated,
national coverage. In Afghanistan, with dialogue, coordination
and external assistance, a civil-society led strategy should be
developed, with a series of local strategies relevant to provincial
circumstances. It should include phased capacity building, peace-education,
awareness-raising, mainstreaming, research and monitoring; it
should also ensure that women are fully included in peace-building
activities. The Afghan government and donors should give full
support to the development and implementation of such a strategy.
11. Regional Action
As a landlocked state sharing largely porous
borders with Pakistan (2,400km), Iran (930km), Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan,
Tajikistan and China, Afghanistan is necessarily affected by the
policies of its neighbours, particularly in respect of refugees
movements, migration, security, narcotics and trade.
Over 2 million Afghan refugees are officially
living in Pakistan, and 0.9 million in Iran. [165]This
year some 350,000 Afghans have returned from Pakistan and 170,000,
mainly economic migrants, have been forcibly deported from Iran.
As acknowledged in the joint Afghanistan Pakistan peace jirga
held in August this year, the Taliban and other illegal armed
groups operate with the support of groups based in Afghanistan's
neighbouring states. There is extensive trafficking of opium and
heroin across Afghanistan's northern and southern borders, including
several thousand tonnes of precursor chemicals, required for refining
opium, across the southern border every year. [166]
Afghanistan's neighbours will be critical to
the country's economic development. A significant proportion of
Afghanistan's trade is both with and through neighbouring states;
Pakistan, for example, accounts for 25% of imports and 20% of
exports and is an important transhipment route. [167]Afghanistan's
trade with Iran has increased considerably.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Refugees and migrants
Both Pakistan and Iran should act in accordance
with principles enshrined in the Tripartite Agreements made with
each country, Afghanistan and UNHCR; in particular, that repatriation
is voluntary and gradual. Given the security situation in Afghanistan,
Pakistan should be assisted by the international community to
continue to host Afghan refugees, 80% of whom do not wish to return.
Their legal status and long-term social and economic integration
into Pakistani society must be fully considered. Iran should ensure
the measured and proportionate treatment of economic migrants.
Donors should ensure that shortfalls in UNHCR's budgets are met
so that it can provide comprehensive reintegration assistance
to returnees.
Security
Pakistan and Iran should take measures to ensure
that no groups or members of its administrations or armed forces
provide weapons, supplies or any other support to illegal armed
groups in Afghanistan. Both Afghanistan and Pakistan should be
scrutinised for their willingness to implement undertakings given
in the joint peace jirga held in August. Military action by a
foreign power against Iran, or against groups in the Afghan border
areas of Pakistan, could be seriously destabilising for Afghanistan
and lead to an intensification of attacks on international and
Afghan forces.
Narcotics
Neighbour states should assist in counter-narcotics
by taking measures to prevent the export of opium from Afghanistan,
and the transit to Afghanistan of chemicals required for refining.
In both cases Afghanistan and neighbouring states should reinforce
efforts to share intelligence, strengthen interdiction and improve
law enforcement. The trilateral agreement on counter-narcotics
between Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan, signed in June 2007, should
be implemented in full and should be succeeded by more detailed
agreements which enhance cross-border cooperation.
Trade
It is in the long-term interests of regional
partners to support Afghanistan by accepting preferential trade
agreements, which incorporate low tariffs for Afghan exports and
unrestricted transit trade, but allow Afghanistan to protect its
nascent productive sectors. As Oxfam argues in a recent briefing
paper, Afghanistan should not be pressured to achieve rapid accession
to the World Trade Organisation, which would have few benefits
and could undermine efforts to reduce poverty. [168]Members
of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, which Afghanistan
joined in April this year, should develop a coordinated action
plan with practical measures in development assistance, trade
and investment, to promote Afghanistan's economy. This should
be supplemented by expanding and strengthening regional initiatives
on trade, transport and energy supply by members of the Economic
Cooperation Organisation and the Central Asia Regional Economic
Co-operation Program. [169]
105 See: Hearts and Minds: Afghan Opinion on the
Taliban, the Government and the International Forces, United States
Institute for Peace Briefing paper, 16 August 2007. Back
106
The ANDS is Afghanistan's Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper;
it will be finalised mid-way through 2008. Back
107
The author of this paper, contactable at: MWaldman@oxfam.org.uk;
+93 700278838. Back
108
US Increase Support for Afghanistan, US State Department, January
2007. Back
109
Afghanistan Compact, Procurement Monitoring Project, Afghan
Ministry of Finance and Peace Dividend Trust, April 2007, p 11. Back
110
Delays Hurting US Rebuilding in Afghanistan, New York Times,
7 November 2005 and Afghanistan, Inc.', Corpwatch, Fariba Nawa,
p 16. Back
111
Prioritising Aid Effectiveness, Taking forward the Afghanistan
Compact and Paris Declaration Commitments, Afghan Ministry of
Finance, 18 April 2007, p 11. Back
112
Report for Congress, The Costs of Iraq, Afghanistan and Other
Global War on Terror Operations since 1911, Congressional Research
Service, 16 July 2007. Back
113
Afghanistan aid must be spread, Financial Times, 19 March
2007. Back
114
The Good Performers Initiative, which rewards provinces that
do not produce poppy, is an attempt to address geographical disparities
in assistance. At just $22.5 million for 2006-07 it is wholly
insufficient to address major imbalances in the overall distribution
of aid. Back
115
This was proposed by the JCMB: para 37; 2.2, bi-Annual JCMB
Report from November 2006. Back
116
For example the Law and Order Trust Fund administered by UNDP,
and the Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund administered by
the World Bank. Back
117
Annual Report, Joint Coordination and Monitoring Board, May
2007, p 4. Back
118
Ibid. Back
119
Reforming Afghanistan's Police, Crisis Group Asia Report, No
138, 30 August 2007. Back
120
Sub-national Training Needs Assessment Report, IARCSC and UNDP,
2005. Back
121
Service Delivery and Governance at the Sub-National Level in
Afghanistan, World Bank, July 2007, p 34. Back
122
The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for peace
and security, Report of the UN Secretary-General, 21st September
2007, paras 8 and 21. Back
123
See Consolidated Position Paper on the CDC Bylaw, NSP Facilitating
Partners, 2007 and CDC Bylaw and sustainability, ACBAR Public
Statement, 11th November 2007. Back
124
See: Service Delivery and Governance at the Sub-National Level
in Afghanistan, World Bank, July 2007. Back
125
PRT Executive Steering Committee, 27 Jan 2005. It should be
noted that there are generally two types of PRT reconstruction
and development activities: projects carried out by the military/CIMIC
(Civil-Military Cooperation) team, and those delivered or overseen
by the relevant national development agency. There is insufficient
space available in this paper to address issues relating to each
of these types of assistance. Back
126
Service Delivery and Governance at the Sub-National Level in
Afghanistan, World Bank, July 2007, p xiv. Back
127
Ibid. Back
128
Guidelines on the Use of Military and Civil Defence Assets in
Disaster Relief, updated November 2006, pp 9-10; and Guidelines
on the Use of Military and Civil Defence Assets to Support United
Nations Humanitarian Activities in Complex Emergencies, March
2003, p 9 and p 12. Back
129
Sustainable Land Management, Afghanistan Ministry of Agriculture
and Food, 2007. Back
130
FAO, National Livestock Census, December 2003 and Afghanistan
Country Profile, The Economist, 2006. Back
131
Environmental crisis looms as conflict goes on, IRIN, 30 July
2007. Back
132
WFP purchases local produce to feed hungry Afghans and boost
farming, UNAMA, 18 September 2007. Back
133
Figures provided by Afghan Ministry of Finance, corroborated
by: Budget and Obligations, 2002-06, USAID, Afghanistan. Back
134
Afghanistan Opium Survey, UNODC, August 2007. Back
135
Executive Summary, Afghanistan Opium Survey, UNODC, August 2007,
p 15. Back
136
No Quick Fix, Curbing Opium Poppy Cultivation in Afghanistan,
Care International, December 2006. Back
137
Executive Summary, Afghanistan Opium Survey, UNODC, August 2007,
p 13-14; Opium Winter Rapid Assessment Survey, UNODC, February
2007, p 13. Back
138
There are an estimated 75,000 drug addicts in Helmand: Few Choices
for Helmand's Troubled Youth, Institute for War and Peace Reporting,
9 November 2007. Back
139
Points of discussion on licit cultivation of opium poppy in
Afghanistan, UNODC, 11 April 2005. Back
140
Executive Summary, Afghanistan Opium Survey, UNODC, August 2007,
p 1. Back
141
Could Afghan poppies be painkillers for the poor? New York
Times, 14 October 2007. Back
142
Anger at Legal Afghan Opium Plan, BBC News Online, 5
November 2007. Back
143
Voices of Parents and Children, Human Rights Research and Advocacy
Consortium, October 2007. Back
144
Oxfam research and Daikundi Provincial Profile, UNAMA, June
2007. Back
145
Hundreds of schools remain closed in south, IRIN, 8 September
2007. Back
146
Free, Quality Education for Every Afghan Child, Oxfam International,
October 2006. Back
147
The proposal may need to be flexible given that some Afghan
schools have three sessions, with different students, in one day. Back
148
Substantial Improvements Achieved in Afghanistan's Health Sector,
John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Health, 5 July 2007. Back
149
Ibid. Back
150
Ibid. Back
151
Health services under increasing strain in Helmand province,
IRIN, 9 August 2007. Back
152
See Draft Public Health Strategy, Ministry of Public Health,
March 2007. Back
153
Ministry of Finance, Health Expenditure Review, 2005. Back
154
David Rohde, Afghan police are set back as Taliban adapt, New
York Times, 26 August 2007. Back
155
Associated Press have estimated over 5,800 killed in
2007: three Afghan police killed in violence, AP, 11 November
2007. Back
156
Afghanistan: Slow Progress on Security and Rights, Human Rights
Watch, 30 January 2007 (this puts the figure for 2006 at 4,400);
Principal Humanitarian Concerns Related to Protection of Civilians
in Afghanistan, UN/AIHRC, August 2007 (this puts the figure for
2006 at 3,600). Back
157
Ibid; UN Envoy says no time to "wobble" in
Afghanistan, Reuters, 17 October 2007; The situation in Afghanistan
and its implications for peace and security, Report of the UN
Secretary-General, 21 September 2007, para 54; Principal Humanitarian
Concerns Related to Protection of Civilians in Afghanistan, UN/AIHRC,
August 2007; Civilians complain about impact of fighting on their
lives, IRIN, 3 July 2007; Civilian casualties reportedly peak
in August, IRIN, 5 September 2007; Afghan army kill scores of
insurgents, AP, 1 September 2007; Taliban attacks moving closer
to Kabul, The Washington Post, 26 September, 2007. Back
158
Afghan Violence Numbers, AP, 2 August 2007. Back
159
500 Afghan police killed in five months, AFP, 3 September 2007. Back
160
Suicide Attacks in Afghanistan (2001-07), UNAMA, September 2007. Back
161
Principal Humanitarian Concerns Related to Protection of Civilians
in Afghanistan, UN/AIHRC, August 2007; Key Protection Concerns
in Afghanistan, UN/AIHRC, August 2007; Afghanistan at a Glance,
UNHCR, 12 August 2007. Back
162
61 From January to 6 August this year, 41 aid workers were killed
(34 national, seven international); 69 humanitarian workers were
abducted (44 national, 25 international); and 41 aid convoys were
attacked; see: ICRC warns of growing humanitarian crisis, IRIN,
23 October 2007. Back
163
The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for peace
and security, Report of the UN Secretary-General, 21 September
2007, para 47. Back
164
Suleman, Muhammad, and Copnall, Donna, Evaluation of Peace-building
Programmes in Farah and Badghis, Western Region of Afghanistan,
April 2006, pp 3 and 6. Back
165
Afghanistan: Humanitarian Profile, UNOCHA, September 2007. Back
166
Afghanistan Opium Survey, UNODC, August 2007. Back
167
Afghanistan Trade, DG Trade, European Commission, 15 September
2006. Back
168
Getting the Fundamentals Rights-the early stages of Afghanistan's
WTO accession process, Oxfam International, June 2007. Back
169
Economic Cooperation Organisation was established in 1985, and
now has 10 regional members, with a wide remit relating to cooperation
in economic activities. The Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation
Program, established in 1997, is promoted by the Asian Development
Bank, and focuses on regional initiatives in transport, trade,
and energy. Back
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