Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 80 - 94)

TUESDAY 13 NOVEMBER 2007

DR TIM ENSOR, MR ALEC CUMMING AND DR SAM ADJEI

  Q80  Sir Robert Smith: Alec?

  Mr Cumming: I just wanted to pick up the associated point. One of our key findings is that even if we were able to provide three pillars of a sound system to address maternal health, that is family planning, skilled attendance at delivery and access to emergency obstetric care, we have accumulated a great deal of evidence that unless we identify in an individual country's circumstances what it is that acts as a barrier to the poorest women accessing these facilities the provision of the facilities by themselves will not work. So we should not rule out any means of achieving that, and Tim is identifying possible means. Clearly the best means is if it can be system-wide support, but the crucial thing is that unless we are able to ensure that the poorest women can access facilities then we will not achieve MDG 5. There are huge discrepancies between the maternal death rates for the poorest women and the richest women in developing countries. In Peru, for example, the level of maternal mortality is eight times as high in the lowest income quintile as in the highest. Generally speaking in the countries we are looking at it is two and a half to three times. Unless the issue of addressing access by poor women is tackled then we will not succeed in achieving MDG 5. Vouchers, cash systems, supply-side provision, demand-side subsidies, all need to be looked at depending on the individual circumstances of the country, but what should drive it is ensuring that the poorest women in society are enabled to access facilities.

  Q81  Sir Robert Smith: The advantage of cash over vouchers is that the person can be more flexible. There are so many costs, whether it is drugs, blood or the transport, that if they could maybe get a neighbour to help with the transport then they have got some in reserve for other things.

  Dr Ensor: Yes. There were real doubts in Nepal when they introduced the cash a couple of years ago whether facilities would simply have the ability to manage cash because you have got to have the cash available when the woman goes for the delivery. If you think of a remote area of Nepal, perhaps at that time controlled by Maoists, there were severe doubts that they would have the ability to secure cash and I think those are very real problems. If you can get over that it does offer a more flexible and simpler way of directing resources.

  Q82  John Bercow: Dr Ensor, in respect of vouchers you highlight the problems of bureaucracy and cost. I wonder if I can just ask you about two other issues and specifically your view on them as between cash and vouchers. One is the question of the scope for corruption. I do not know whether the scope is greater with cash, as one might think, or with vouchers, but I would be interested in the evidence based view or in any anecdotal impressions you have got on that point. The second is the issue of stigmatisation and what one might call transparency, but transparency in a bad sense rather than a good sense. Ordinarily when one talks in international development terms or public policy terms about transparency it is normally magnified as an objective to be sought, but in this context I mean more branding people. Although the service to be accessed is a service for which it is perfectly reasonable that people should get support, I wonder whether in the context of the society it might contribute to labelling, abuse, discrimination, dehumanisation or whatever. I do not know if you have got a sense of that. Certainly in the very, very different circumstances of our own society and in relation to a different area of policy, namely the provision of support to certain categories of asylum seeker for example, it is sometimes said by critics, amongst whom I would number myself, that providing vouchers to people is, frankly, a rather inequitable way in which to proceed.

  Dr Ensor: There may well be good evidence. I am not aware of good evidence one way or the other on the ability to corrupt either a voucher or a cash system. I think it is present in both systems. I am not sure which is more or less likely to be corrupted. In terms of the stigmatisation, I think that is an issue. It is a slightly tangential example, but in Vietnam, certainly when they introduced insurance, which was a kind of voucher for primary care for the poor in the 1990s, many hospitals just refused to take it. They much preferred to receive user charges where they could charge what they liked. I think the other observation there is that if you target poor areas rather than poor individuals then the problem of stigmatisation is probably lessened. If you say there are vouchers for every woman that lives in this area that happens to be poor then the relative stigmatisation of individuals disappears a little.

  Q83  John Bercow: Dr Ensor, you have shown a prescience bordering upon a psychic quality which is greatly to be admired because I was going to come on to the question of insurance schemes. Are you arguing that intrinsically such insurance schemes would fail to reach poor people or should donors, such as DFID, in a sense refine and improve the model to ensure the community insurance schemes for maternal healthcare hit their target?

  Dr Ensor: I think it is possible for community insurance schemes to hit their target. I do not think you can expect community insurance schemes to be sustainable in that you expect people that contribute to cross-subsidise those that do not contribute. The overwhelming evidence is that that does not work. If you are paying into a voluntary scheme then individuals are reluctant to make that much of a subsidy to the costs of other people's care. If you want it to work then you have got to be prepared to fully fund the same kind of coverage for the poor as is funded by individuals that are not poor. There is a colossal amount of evidence on community insurance and each scheme varies. Most community schemes do not cover normal deliveries because it is a predictable event. There is a problem with predictable events. Many also do not cover complex obstetric care because it is so expensive and community schemes tend to have small reserves so there is a problem there. That is not to say you cannot do it through community insurance, but it may not be the best vehicle to provide for the sort of very complex demands of obstetric care.

  Mr Cumming: The stage that Immpact has now moved to— and it is in the final year of its activity— is in fact to work with governments in the three countries in particular that we have worked with to assess the most appropriate strategy to ensure that maternal mortality is reduced. We have the example of an insurance based scheme in Ghana, in Indonesia different sorts of insurance based schemes, and in Burkina Faso a rather different approach. We intend to go back. As both Dr Ensor and I have said, there is no single answer to this. It will very much depend on the social, cultural and governance status of individual countries, but our intention is to work with governments to identify those strategies which are going to be effective and then we hope to publicise universal messages from that work.

  Q84  John Battle: I want to return to a point that was made earlier on about the budgets and monitoring the budgets. What is a maternal health budget? How does it get there? Why I am haunted by that question is that it seems to me budgets to improve maternal health may have to fund hospitals in an integrated way and even transport. The reason MDG 5 seems to be so far behind other MDGs is you can clearly identify provision of anti-retroviral drugs or mosquito nets, but in this area the budget seems so diffuse. How do we know it is ever going to get there? I was at a conference of the Voluntary Service Overseas and they were having a conversation north and south and it was suggested that rather than sending doctors and teachers, what were really needed were good lawyers, IT specialists and accountants to track and monitor the money. I want to ask you about that tracking and monitoring of the money. What can be done in-country by civil society to track the money effectively to make sure it reaches the parts that need to be reached? What could DFID do more of to ensure that that was a priority?

  Dr Ensor: There are some very good regular public expenditure reviews accompanied by those less regular public expenditure tracking studies which summarise how money is spent in the public sector and even in the non-public sector and then look at whether the money actually reaches the facilities. Those tools are well publicised by DFID in some countries. What extra could be done is regularising those tools. There are a few examples where governments themselves or Ministries of Health themselves undertake annual public expenditure reviews, but there are not many of them. Usually it is something that is enforced from outside, often by the World Bank but also other agencies. Encouraging a home grown public expenditure review is a very useful tool. The second part relates to the second part of your question and that is the role of civil society. Unfortunately civil society has not been involved very much in using those tools, at least in my experience and the countries I have worked in. The public expenditure tracking studies, for example, are often extremely sensitive. They are often done reluctantly by governments because donors want them carried out. The one that was done in health and education in Bangladesh, for example, took several years to really see the light of day and to be properly disseminated because it raises sensitive issues. I believe there are now some examples in India where civil society is actually involved in training people to undertake these studies and civil society are involved in those processes. I agree with you that that is one area where DFID could pursue more— I believe they are already— in pushing the role of civil society in the use of those tools.

  Mr Cumming: I am slightly concerned at the first bit of your question, lawyers and accountants rather than health professionals. Tim is entirely right, we need good systems for tracking, but there is a gross deficiency of health professionals in many countries.

  John Battle: I am not trying to set one against the other. I am just trying to raise the status of lawyers and accountants!

  Q85  Chairman: Were we not told in Chad that 1 % of the budget reaches the end result?

  Dr Ensor: There is a lot of evidence on that now in different countries.

  John Battle: Even the theme is becoming a little bit of an `in' word, a bit trendy. You have got participatory budgeting and civil society monitoring and budgeting even in the north is only beginning to happen. Perhaps I could just ask if there is information about the Indian example that would be helpful and maybe we will encourage DFID as well as the government in-house to encourage the civil society monitoring as well and look to see how they can develop instruments and we could do a bit more here as well.

  Q86  Chairman: If there is any information on that it would be helpful.

  Dr Adjei: In Ghana what we do is at the beginning of the budget year we all have targets set around expenditures, for example that 42 % of expenditure would be at a district level for different programmes and then at a regional and then at a national level. At the end of the year when the audit is done we can track and see if we are achieving these budgets. Then you can do costing studies within the various levels to look at where the money is spent in each area so that you can know exactly how the funds that went, for example, to the districts were spent because they will keep records of everything within the system. The support for that kind of expenditure to be done by the institutions themselves has always been the way to assess whether donor funds have been used appropriately. In addition we have independent audit systems which we agree with the donors and they will bring together independent auditors and they will go through the books and make sure that the funds are reaching where they should be, and then the public accounts systems bring to the public how funds that have been allocated to the governance sector have been spent and on what. It is a system that has been growing very slowly but importantly in ensuring accountability and the proper use of funding that comes into the system.

  Q87  Hugh Bayley: I have been provoked by your comment to ask about nutrition. Do you have any idea about the cost-effectiveness in terms of maternal and child lives saved per dollar spent by putting money into better nutrition as opposed to into health? I am old enough to remember queuing up with my ration book for welfare support in this country. If you were to introduce food interventions, perhaps not so much in Ghana but in parts of Africa that have suffered severe food shortages in recent years, what sort of food interventions would you put resources into?

  Mr Cumming: That is not something that our project has looked at. We have made the point about the link between poverty and maternal health and clearly nutrition is one of the factors that lead to the very, very heavy levels of maternal mortality in the poor, but I cannot answer that question.

  Dr Adjei: At the moment the bigger problem area has got to do with anaemia in pregnant women. Much of the emphasis has been on more nutritional supplements, iron tablets and folic acid tablets to address anaemia because that is the greatest risk. If the anaemia is very bad and the woman has a small bleed then they can go into shock very quickly. The emphasis has been on nutritional supplements for pregnant women who come to us. Then there are associated factors like malaria in pregnancy which also causes severe anaemia very quickly. Making sure that you prevent malaria in pregnant women by treatment is one of the ways to address the problem. The government has started work in the whole area of nutritional messages called regenerative health. It is a new programme that is targeting pregnant women and what they must eat and the locally available foods that have been studied and are rich in nutrients for pregnant women to keep them well. That has also been promoted of late.

  Q88  Sir Robert Smith: Just thinking about previous evidence sessions and some of the briefings we have had. Is not the reality that in relation to the survival rate for mothers in childbirth it is actually being able to intervene at the time of the birth that makes the dramatic difference? Dr Ensor: Yes. I am not sure I can offer very much on the nutrition angle. I do not think you would pitch the two together in an analysis of cost-effectiveness because both are needed and as you say, many of the deaths are because you cannot deal with the emergency as it occurs. Better nutrition certainly helps the final outcome, but the infrastructure for that emergency care is also important.

  Q89  Hugh Bayley: Maybe it would have a bigger impact in terms of years of life gained with children rather than with the mothers.

  Dr Ensor: Yes.

  Mr Cumming: The main causes of maternal death are not directly nutrition related.

  Dr Adjei: It is the haemorrhage which is the problem because if it is bleeding you have to intervene with the bleeding, but to the person who is anaemic and who loses a small amount of blood very quickly, that is where the link with nutrition comes in. You have better haemoglobin levels during pregnancy.

  Q90  Hugh Bayley: Iron tablets rather than food rations?

  Dr Adjei: Yes. Basically, that has been the approach but also malaria is a major cause of anaemia in pregnant women so that is also another one to deal with.

  Q91  John Bercow: How widespread has the uptake been of Immpact's new tools for measuring maternal mortality such as the Sampling at Service Sites methodology?

  Mr Cumming: They are only now being publicised so the uptake at the moment has been internal within the project. The aim now is that we are offering them as a public good. We published a revised version of the Immpact toolkit to coincide with the major conference, which I think you are aware of, that happened last month, Women Deliver. Subsequent to that there was a huge amount of interest in these tools and we are arranging for a series of training courses in the use of the tools with colleagues in developing countries. We expect to see these tools used widely. So far though they have strictly developed within the project. Given the huge cost benefit— for example, in the Sampling at Service Sites technique— compared with the population— wide surveys and given the very dubious nature of the evidence just now on maternal death, it is really important that these methods are publicised and made widely available. That is the aim.

  Q92  Chairman: The effect of these methods is that you are identifying a worse situation.

  Mr Cumming: It varies a little but generally speaking we are finding that levels of maternal mortality are higher than those that are officially recorded.

  Q93  Chairman: You talked about the project being in its final year. What is its current situation? You have done the work. You are presumably now putting forward recommendations. What is DFID's engagement? Is there an absolute timescale? In other words, is it all going to come to a definite end?

  Mr Cumming: The project was funded for a specific purpose, to identify evidence of what is effective at reducing maternal mortality. We have done the work. The last stage of what we are doing should be to prove that it works by going back to individual countries to work with them in developing strategies. The funding that we have from DFID, the Gates Foundation, USAID and the EC[4] will be fully exhausted by the end of August of next year. We do think a project should have a beginning, a middle and an end and it will come to an end at the end of August. There is a need to continue with research into maternal health, both in terms of measurement and in terms of effectiveness, but that would represent a new phase and we are in discussion with DFID about that. DFID are very positive about supporting the work that we do in making sure that our findings are implemented and they have said that if we come back with proposals for further research then they and others will be interested in that, but that is for us, to go back to them and make the case for further work.

  Q94  Chairman: Will you be producing a final report on the project and, if so, is there a time frame?

  Mr Cumming: Yes. We are working on that right now. The emphasis of that report is on freeing the poorest women in society from barriers which stop them attaining care. We expect to produce a draft of that by about the end of the year and to publish it in the spring of next year.

  Chairman: I think that will be extremely helpful. Those of us on the Committee who have embarked on this report, to be honest, have been absolutely shocked to the core about both the figures and the appalling suffering and indeed major social consequences in terms of orphaned children and fragmented societies and indeed the interesting point that it can contribute to conflict and social breakdown. In other words, it is a fundamental contributor to poverty. Anything that helps focus on practical measures that can address this is much more significant than just isolating it as a single factor. Yes, it is terrible for women. Yes, it is terrible but it has much wider repercussions than people think. I am sure that your work is extremely helpful in understanding the problem and perhaps coming up with solutions and I hope our report may help contribute to that as well. Can I thank you all for coming in and helping us with our inquiry.





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