Select Committee on Transport Written Evidence


Memorandum from T Martin Blaiklock (PPP 02)

INTRODUCTION:

  The Committee has asked for comment as to whether:

    —  the PPP is producing real benefits for Tube passengers;

    —  ensures the maintenance of the highest safety standards;

    —  provides value-for-money for the tax-payer; and

    —  spreads the associated risk fairly between the public and private sectors.

  Professionally, I am not qualified to provide an opinion on any of the above, although I have my own subjective views as to value-for-money and the allocation of risks.

  I can, however, provide a professional view with respect to the Committee's final question, viz. "the likely impact of Metronet Rail BCV and SSL going into PPP Administration", as below. My comments focus solely on the financial impacts of this event.

  Finally, I should mention that I appeared as a Witness before the Committee on my own account in the February 2002 Inquiry into the London Underground PPP.

COMMENTARY:

  1.  The underlying financial structure of the Metronet BCV and SSL PPPs combined following Financial Close in 2003 was:

Equity:Atkins
=
£70mn
Balfour Beatty
=
£70mn
Bombardier
=
£70mn
EdF (ie French state)
=
£70mn
Thames Water (RWE)
=
£70mn
Senior Debt:Commercial bank loans
=
£1,000mn
EIB
=
£600mn
Bonds:Index-linked (AMBAC wrapped): BCV
=
£165mn
Index-linked (AMBAC wrapped): SSL
=
£165mn
Fixed rate (FSA wrapped): BCV
=
£350mn
Fixed rate (FSA wrapped): SSL
=
£350mn
TOTAL
=
£2,980mn


  [Source: NAO and Infrastructure Journal]

  2.  From the above it can be deduced that the debt-equity ratio in the funding was 88.3% debt and 11.7% equity, ie "highly geared".

  Many UK PPP's, where the PPP Concessionaire receives payment from Government measured against the "availability" of the PPP assets for the provision of a public service, have similarly high debt/equity ratios. However, the Underground PPP comprises many additional inherent risks, which other PPP's do not embrace, eg the construction risks associated with the need to keep the Underground operational throughout the period.

  Clearly, then, this particular PPP was too highly geared at the outset [cf. Eurotunnel!!].

  3.  In effect, the Metronet BCV and SSL PPP's were financed equally and in parallel, ie to cover estimated capital investment costs for the first 7.5 years of the PPP of approx. £1.5 billion for both PPP's individually.

Against this one has to put the claims by Metronet under the Extraordinary Review of around £1 billion additional funding for each of these PPP's, ie cost over-runs of 60-70%, when only 5 years of the first 7.5 years have been completed and much work remains yet to be done!! An unqualified disaster!!

  4.  There are five possible parties financially impacted by the Administration of the Metronet PPP:

    —  The Government, representing the Taxpayer;

    —  LUL/TfL

    —  The shareholders of Metronet;

    —  The lenders to Metronet; and

    —  The suppliers contracted to Metronet.

5.  "THE GOVERNMENT, REPRESENTING THE TAXPAYER":

  Although the terms and conditions of the Metronet loans/bonds are not in the public domain, it has been widely reported (eg Euromoney, etc) that TfL received a "Letter of Comfort" from Government that, in the event of Termination of either PPP concession, the Government would ensure that lenders/bondholders received back at least 95% of their outstanding debt. Indeed, for some of the bonds, this lifebelt may have been even as high as 98% of the outstanding debt.

  Additionally, the Government has all along assumed that the LUL PPP debt was "on balance sheet" and, therefore, part of Government debt (ref. PwC comment Q120, PAC Report on "London Underground PPPs", HC 446 2003-04).

  Hence, if the lenders to Metronet called in their debt in this event of Termination, Government/TfL would have to pay up. This might create a cash-flow issue for HM Treasury to an amount of £3 billion, but this is relatively small in the overall scenario of UK Government finance.

  What might be the incentive for the lenders to enforce Termination? Possibly, very little, as the margins they currently receive on Metronet debt might be better than they would otherwise get on direct loans to Government for effectively the same security.

  Hence, HM Treasury may be irritated and embarrassed by the Metronet Administration—since they promoted and were instrumental in concluding the LUL PPPs in the first place—but little more.

  There is, however, some cost to the public purse and, hence, Taxpayers, as the Metronet Underground contractual commitments and responsibilities will have to be transferred back to, and restructured by, TfL, without too much disruption to the travelling public. This will take time and money. Without detailed knowledge of such deals, it is impossible to estimate the cost for this.

  Finally, in addition to this cost one needs to add the incremental costs of undertaking the PPP in the first place over a conventional contracting and funding structure. For Metronet BCV and SSL this could be estimated as around £300 million, two-thirds of the £430 million the PPPs cost overall to implement [ref. A. Darling, Trans Ctee 10 Sept 2003, Q35-40]

6.  LUL/TFL:

  Given that Government underpins LUL PPP debt, LUL/TfL's prime "cost" under this Administration will be for restructuring and re-resourcing Metronet operations, as quickly as possible. The extent and complexity of this problem is unknown. Hopefully, the new basis for undertaking BCV and SSL work will be simpler than the previous PPP structure!

7.  METRONET SHAREHOLDERS:

  The shareholders invested £350 million of equity in the PPP. Most of them, it is assumed, have written off their investment in the current circumstances of Administration. This gives an actual loss of £250 million (£350 million, less Corporation Tax at 30%).

  On the other hand, it is understood that some of the contracts placed by Metronet for Underground construction and rehabilitation were placed with individual shareholder companies. Given that it is quite possible that Metronet BCV and SSL have awarded overall at least £2 billion, if not £3 billion—plus even more if their claims to the PPP Arbitrator are substantiated,—of such contracts, many of them to themselves at supposedly 20-25% profit margin, it is most likely that overall the shareholders may not have lost any money on the PPP at all (eg 20% of £2 billion is £400 mn.)!! It will be just that they—the shareholders—have made less money on the PPP than they originally hoped! They also might be somewhat ashamed of their role in this debacle!

  What will be interesting will be whether the Government/TfL will recognise the components of any loans that might have been used to pay for Metronet subcontracts, including those to shareholders, for work which was not properly approved by TfL as being under the PPP. This could leave lenders somewhat exposed, as Government might not underpin the repayment!! In such circumstances, recourse to Metronet shareholders might have little value, unfortunately, as their exposure to Metronet will, most probably, be limited to their original investment.

8.  METRONET LENDERS:

  As mentioned earlier, the lenders are largely protected by the "Letter of Comfort" to TfL from Government.

  The only uncertainty is, as mentioned above, some contracts funded under these loans may not be recognised by TfL/Government as valid for funding under the PPP, leaving lenders exposed.

  It should also be mentioned, however, that under the PPP structure in this case lenders and bondholders had limited incentive to monitor closely Metronet and its contracting practices, not least because lenders received 95-98% of their debt back, paid by Government, in the event of Termination of the PPP. Indeed, it is understood in the City/PPP community that, if lenders had not received such Government support when the PPP funding was being arranged, then they would not have provided the debt in the first place!

  It is also said that the lenders received such generous up-front negotiation fees that any potential 2-5% loss on Termination was offset against these fees!

As mentioned before, therefore, the lenders may be just as happy to see their PPP debt stretch out to maturity, as the terms are better than they might otherwise get in the market. Further, the hassle and cost of renegotiating the bond finance could be very expensive and complex (ref. the British Energy restructuring in 2004).

  Overall, the lenders may not be too unhappy, but they may be somewhat embarrassed to be a stakeholder in this debacle!!

9.  SUPPLIERS CONTRACTED TO METRONET:

  Suppliers to Metronet will wish to ensure payment, whether or not their contracts were officially approved or not. Those contracts, however, awarded by Metronet to its shareholders, will indubitably be scrutinised in some detail by TfL, et al., before any payment is effected. In the end, it will be a question of commercial negotiation: part of the cost to TfL of restructuring the PPP.

  Details of these contracts are not in the public domain, but a major contract could be for rolling stock with Bombardier of Canada, which could stretch over many years. This could represent the biggest stumbling block to smooth restructuring.

  10.  Finally, one might question, given the absence of major losers apart from Taxpayers, who else might have gained or lost out?

  One group, in particular, have gained! The lawyers and financial advisers who created the PPP edifice on this occasion!! They orchestrated the birth and death of this PPP, and will be needed again for the re-birth too!!

CONCLUSION:

  In the end, the losses which have been generated by this PPP saga have fallen, as always, at the feet of the Taxpayer. Whilst much of the public focus of blame will be on Metronet and its management of this PPP, Government cannot absolve themselves of responsibility for these losses to the Taxpayer either, as it was, in particular, HM Treasury, who were promoting this PPP against much widespread advice. Such complex PPPs should be avoided, whatever the forecast "value for money" may be!

August 2007





 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2008
Prepared 25 January 2008