Select Committee on Communications Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 2367 - 2379)

WEDNESDAY 2 APRIL 2008

Mr John Hutton MP and Andy Burnham MP

  Q2367  Chairman: Good morning and welcome. I think it is the first time we have had two secretaries of state together; I will not make any cracks about having to move in pairs but it is very good of you both to come and we appreciate it very much indeed. Before I start I would just like to deal with one question and that is to remind members of the Committee and witnesses as well that the BSkyB/ITV case is currently before the Competition Appeals Tribunal and as a result the case is covered by the resolution of the House on sub judice and that means that this case should not be and cannot be directly referred to today during today's session. I should announce, as always, that the declarations of interests of members of the Committee are on the side table. You know we are looking at ownership, we are looking at consolidation of the media and we are looking at what impact that has upon news. We are basically interested in news and its impact, how it reaches the public and the effects it has. Mr Hutton, some say that media mergers should be left to the market and ordinary competition law; what is the rationale for subjecting media mergers to greater scrutiny than others?

  Mr Hutton: The answer to that question probably goes back to the 1962 Royal Commission chaired by Lord Shawcross which I think laid the essential foundations for the current legal and regulatory framework. The argument was put particularly well in the Royal Commission report as to why we needed this layer of regulation and layers of potential areas for intervention given the importance of the press for our democracy and given the importance that our press and media outlets should enable a free and open expression of ideas. There is a strong case for arguing—this has been accepted since the early 1960s—that in addition to regulating mergers through competition there should be an opportunity to challenge the concentration of ownership of the media in certain hands. That is essentially the intellectual underpinning for the current regime which is reflected in the Communication Act 2003 which amended the Enterprise Act. That gave to the secretary of state the power to refer to the Competition Commission on public interest grounds issues relating to plurality of ownership of the media. I think the argument is a democratic one, that market forces alone—even though they might be properly regulated through competition law—would probably not be sufficient to deal with the unique public sensitivity that I think attaches to some of these issues. I would say in relation to the powers, it is worth reflecting on one rather important fact. I know there was controversy and concern at the time, but it is worth reminding ourselves that since the Competition Act was passed and this power of the secretary of state to intervene was consolidated it has only been used in one case and that is the case you referred to in your opening remarks. During that period of time there have been 17 other issues to do with the application of competition or merger law to media acquisitions and I hope that serves to put this power, which is very much a reserve power, in its proper context. I think it should be used rarely; we have a proper regulatory framework dealing with the competition aspects of media mergers and acquisitions. However, I do think as a sort of backstop, given the sensitivity that the Shawcross Commission identified in relation to media ownership, the secretary of state who ultimately is responsible to elected members in this House should have this reserve backstop power which should be exercised rarely and properly and which is subject to a series of constraints that perhaps we can go into in a minute.

  Q2368  Chairman: Thank you, I think that is a very clear exposition. We will come back to the scope of the public interest test, but before that you mentioned the reserve power. As it stands at the moment you, as secretary of state, are the only person with the power to ask Ofcom to investigate.

  Mr Hutton: That is right.

  Q2369  Chairman: Do you think that there is a case for saying that Ofcom should also have that power? Why do you want to keep it just to yourself?

  Mr Hutton: Ofcom have the power to apply the rules about media ownership as set out in the Competition Act and there are extensive provisions made in that piece of legislation.

  Q2370  Chairman: They do not have the power to initiate.

  Mr Hutton: They do not have the power to refer to the Competition Commission on the public interest sense; that is a power specifically referred to the secretary of state to exercise. This of course was subject to extensive debate at the time the legislation was going through. I think it does reflect the unique public sensitivity around this particular area of law and policy, that there is a political dimension to this and it is sensible that that should be reflected. However, given the constraints that are attached to the exercise of this power—the duty to consult, the clear and obvious obligation to act only on the basis of clear and demonstrable evidence and subject to the jurisdiction of the Competition Appeals Tribunal—I think we have a sensible balance of measures here. The unique role of the press in our democracy has long been recognised in Parliament and outside and therefore the need for vigilance around the concentration in the hands of a few of the ownership of the critical mass media. There should be a route through into the investigative process that is set up by Parliament.

  Q2371  Chairman: I do not think anyone is challenging that. This Committee would not in any way wish to challenge that but what I am asking is whether there is any particular reason why the secretary of state is the only person who can actually initiate proceedings. I can see at the end of the day it may be the secretary of state who makes the final decision when the Competition Commission has made its report and you could say he is accountable to Parliament and therefore it is he who should make that final decision. I cannot quite see the same arguments applying to initiation.

  Mr Hutton: My answer goes back to what I said in relation to your initial question which is about the unique circumstances of the issue that we are discussing here and the public sensitivity of it. My own attempt to understand the structure—I should make clear I had no part in putting this in place but it is now my responsibility to defend—is a reasonable one. You can clearly make the argument for others to have the power to initiate such an investigation but I think it is worth bearing in mind that although we should not and must not discuss the detail of the BSkyB case, if you actually look at the sequence of events it was essentially the Competition Commission itself who did the actual examination of the facts in relation to the public interest referral. In other words, did what was happening constitute an unacceptable concentration of ownership? They concluded that it did not and I accepted that decision which I think was incumbent upon me to do so because they had done the detailed investigation. We should not assume that because the secretary of state has the power to refer that he or she also is the judge and jury at the same time. That is not how I see the role of the secretary of state. The secretary of state is acting in the public interest as he or she must do in a variety of different contexts.

  Q2372  Chairman: If you go back to 1981 the crucial decision on The Times and The Sunday Times was a secretary of state's decision not to send it to what was then the MMC, so you can have a political decision being taken which actually has a major impact upon merger policy.

  Mr Hutton: I am not aware of the detail of that particular reference and I was of course not the secretary of state that decided to make the reference in relation to the BSkyB case although I do think it was right and proper that it should have been so referred. I think the ultimate safeguard lay in the process that Parliament has established because it is not the secretary of state who actually makes these decisions. Ultimately, although he or she has discretion to act in a public interest case, he or she is bound to accept the findings of the Competition Commission in relation to competition issues that any referral has made. Speaking personally I think it would be exceptionally difficult to imagine a set of circumstances where, having intervened and referred to the Competition Commission and the Competition Commission makes recommendations on these public interest grounds, that any secretary of state would say, "I am sorry, I am not accepting the findings of the Competition Commission". I think that would have to be a unique set of circumstances. I would find it very hard to envisage that actually coming about. The power of the secretary of state is not, therefore, to be judge and jury in the public interest but to act to defend the public interest by referring the case for a proper examination by the appropriate competition authority.

  Q2373  Chairman: So when the Competition Commission reports to you do you sit in a quasi judicial capacity?

  Mr Hutton: I think that is right, yes. It is absolutely true in theory that the secretary of state, once he or she has made a reference to the Competition Commission and has intervened under the powers given to him or her by the Competition Act, then in relation to the public interest issues the decision is that finally of the secretary of state.

  Q2374  Chairman: Would you discuss your findings or your thoughts with Cabinet?

  Mr Hutton: No.

  Q2375  Chairman: Would you discuss it with the prime minister or Number 10?

  Mr Hutton: No, there were no such discussions.

  Q2376  Lord Maxton: Would you discuss it with Mr Burnham?

  Mr Hutton: I did not discuss it with Mr Burnham because he was not there at the time.

  Andy Burnham: I do not believe our predecessors discussed it.

  Q2377  Lord Maxton: Why would this be your decision and not the decision of the secretary of state for Culture, Media and Sport who, after all, has the overall responsibility for the media?

  Mr Hutton: The legislation deposits that responsibility with the secretary of state who has had historic responsibility for competition issues and that has not been the responsibility for the secretary of state for Culture, Media and Sport.

  Q2378  Chairman: You also have a conflict of interests; you are a politician as well. The evidence we have received is, not surprisingly, that prime ministers and ministers spend a tremendous amount of time trying to influence the media, trying to influence the press. You are doing that on one side but on the other side you are actually sitting in an entirely independent way. There is a potential conflict there, is there not?

  Mr Hutton: You can always hunt out a potential conflict of interest. I genuinely believe that there was no such conflict of interest in this case. I would defend that not just by reference to what happened on the facts of this case and the way the decision was taken, but also by the way the legislation has been constructed. The secretary of state does not make decisions in these cases; the secretary of state refers cases to the Competition Commission, that is his way into this issue, that is the way he discharges his duty.

  Q2379  Chairman: He has a power at the end of the day to say to the Competition Commission, "I do not agree with you" but basically what you are saying is that that will never take place.

  Mr Hutton: I think it is impossible to imagine a set of circumstances where, having referred to the Competition Commission, the secretary of state then overrules the decision after months of inquiry by the Competition Commission and makes a separate determination. It is inconceivable that that could happen.


 
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