Select Committee on Economic Affairs Written Evidence


Memorandum by the British Hospitality Asosciation

  1.  The British Hospitality Association is the national association for the hotel, restaurant and catering industry. Our members operate some 40,000 establishments employing over 500,000 people. Overall, the hospitality industry, including those services where hospitality is not the primary purpose (eg, education), employs some 1.64 million people (source: Labour Force Survey 2005). Excluding such services, employment in mid-2006 was some 1.23 million.

  2.  At any one time, the industry has an estimated 100,000 vacancies. Jobcentre Plus generally records around 35,000 to 40,000 vacancies at any time. It also has around 400,000 vacancies notified to it each year across the main occupations (managerial, chefs, hotel porters, catering assistants, waiters and bar staff).

  3.  Turning now to the questions in the Call for Evidence;

  4.  Question 1 (Numbers and characteristics): Recent migrants will be made up of four groups: those from the European Union, notably the "A8" Accession Countries; those on Work Permits for skilled workers; students and those here on such schemes as TWES (Training and Work Experience Scheme) and the Young Holidaymakers' Scheme; and, inevitably, those working illegally. We do not have access to any data other than those produced by, or estimated by government. These indicate that, from May 2004 to June 2007, just over 127,000 A8 workers registered under the Worker Registration Scheme that their first UK job was in hospitality. The number of work permits issued for hospitality occupations has averaged around 12,000 a year, but the number has been tailing off, an issue we return to later.

  5.  The numbers arriving into hospitality occupations under student, TWES and Young Holidaymaker arrangements are not known to us, nor are the numbers of illegal or "irregular" workers.

  6.  It was assumed that the number of A8 arrivals would be low and that their length of stay would be short. Oxford University research using June 2006 Labour Force Survey data suggests that, of the 1.23 million employees of hospitality businesses (see above), some 21.5% were born outside the UK. A8 countries counted for 2.9%, about 35,000, ie just over a third of the 90,000 hospitality WRS registrants to that date. It seems that either A8 hospitality workers were leaving the industry to work in other sectors or were returning home, but the anecdotal evidence does not support the theory that most have left in these ways.

  7.  Question 2 (Sectors and Occupations): Migrant workers (defined as those not born in the UK) represent a third of the workforce in restaurants, a fifth in hotels and just a twelfth in bars. Again, a third of chefs/cooks in the industry are non-UK born and more than a third of these describe themselves as Asian or Chinese. It is very hard to assess how migrant workers' labour market outcomes differ from those of "local" workers, though the Committee is no doubt aware of the IPPR report Britain's Immigrants: An economic profile, which has just been published and which raises a number of interesting conclusions.

  8.  Question 3 (Why do employers want to hire immigrants?): As indicated above (paragraph 6), over 20% of hospitality workers were born outside the UK, compared with just over 10% of all workers (source: IPPR report, table 4.1). We think there are three main reasons for this: first, as a specific reason for this industry, the increased popularity of ethnic cuisine is dependent on a flow from the relevant countries of chefs in particular. Of 6,626 chefs of all grades granted Work Permits in the year from October 2006, at least two thirds (we do not have a complete analysis) came from Asia.

  9.  Secondly, the hospitality industry is one which offers easy to find "entry level" jobs which do not generally require a high level of trained skill or complex and lengthy recruitment processes; those entering a job market for the first time, whether as migrants or students from the domestic economy, are likely to gravitate to these jobs. A long standing example is bar work, traditionally taken up by many of those entering the UK on the Young Holidaymakers Scheme.

  10.  The third reason why hospitality workers from overseas are recruited is because, in many cases, they are seen as having more to offer than the domestic workforce. There are many anecdotal stories about the high quality of many A8 workers. As the IPPR report concludes, "it would seem that the average immigrant has better economic characteristics than the average UK-born person." The hospitality industry has gained from this because, again to use the example of Poland, those working here have had on average higher levels of education than UK workers. They will be a little older than UK entrants to the labour market and will have developed more of the "people" skills which are essential to the provision of good service standards.

  11.  The obvious alternative to immigration to reduce labour shortages would be a greater supply of young British-born people willing and ready to take jobs in hospitality. For example, only 11% of UK-born people are aged 16 to 24, but 22% of those living here but born in Poland are in this age group. Contrary to popular perceptions, the industry can offer good career development prospects compared with more popular sectors like "media". For years, the industry has supported Springboard UK, which helps to encourage not only young people, but also groups such as women returning to the labour market after a long absence, to take hospitality jobs. We are in discussion with Jobcentre Plus about renewed schemes to make it easier for young people currently not in work to be trained and offered work opportunities with a view to permanent employment in hospitality.

  12.  (Question 4: Impact on the labour market): Taking wages first, Low Pay Commission research indicates that around 15% of hospitality employees are paid at minimum wage rates and that, especially since 2004, differentials (between lowest quartile and median earners) have narrowed. In our view, this is because, once employers have raised wages to meet minimum wage rises, there is not enough in the kitty to reward higher paid workers. We do not think this has been affected by, or has affected immigration.

  13.  There is evidence that the number of jobs in hospitality fell by 25,000 in the year to mid-2006 (source: Low Pay Commission) just at the time that the inflow of A8 workers into the industry was at a high level. This indicates at first glance that low paid UK-born workers' jobs were doubly squeezed, though the Low Pay Commission's conclusion was that the jobs lost were at supervisory and management levels, particularly in the bar trade (LPC 2007 report, paragraph 3.31).

  14.  (Question 5: Illegal Immigration): We have been involved with the Home Office's Illegal Working Group for several years, during which time evidence has emerged suggesting that, across the whole economy, there may be some 500,000 illegal or irregular workers. There is no doubt that many of these will be working in hospitality and a high probability that they will be paying for their illegality by having to accept lower wages than the minimum wage. We support enforcement both of the laws against illegal working and of the law to compel payment of the minimum wage (though, ironically, the latter does not protect illegal workers) because we do not want to see employers who obey the law undercut.

  15.  (Questions 12: Migrants' skills; government migration and labour market policies; and 14: Points Based System and skill shortages): The number of hospitality industry Work Permits issued in the last six quarters (starting in April 2006) has been, respectively, 3,049; 2,893; 2,753; 2,456; 2,265; and 2,105. The number of these issued for "chefs" has been, respectively, 1,525; 1,494; 1,466; 1,247; 1,065; and 1,007. These reductions appear to be due to a number of factors, including some inconsistency between different parts of Work Permits UK and a generally tougher attitude to applications at this level.

  16.  The introduction of Tier 2 of the Points Based System, expected around October 2008, will, we think, reduce further the number of non-EEA hospitality workers permitted to enter the UK, particularly at "Chef de Partie" (NVQ3) level. The points system, as currently envisaged, would require such chefs to be paid at least £22,000, well above the current levels (except perhaps in parts of London). The alternative, that the Migration Advisory Committee might recommend chefs as a shortage sector, thus bypassing the salary requirement, is uncertain until the Committee starts work.

  17.  A further complication, which we have raised at senior level, is that Tier 2 workers will require a high standard of English at entry, which many, maybe most, ethnic chefs simply do not have. We therefore face the possibility of the supply of ethnic chefs drying up under the Points Based System. It is unclear what labour market policy could be introduced to resolve this.

  18.  We understand that, until Romanian and Bulgarian workers receive the same entry rights to the UK as those enjoyed by A8 workers, any low-skilled (Tier 3) scheme will have to be restricted to those two countries. In the long term, we think it unlikely that the government will be sympathetic to demands for Tier 3 schemes, though there might be an easier case in relation to additional demands for workers around the time of the 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games. In any event, the rise in youth unemployment in the UK demands an imaginative response and we mention above (paragraph 11) discussions between this association and Jobcentre Plus to assist, in particular, young jobless people to obtain permanent jobs in hospitality.

2 October 2007



 
previous page contents next page

House of Lords home page Parliament home page House of Commons home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2008