Memorandum by Dr Sonia McKay, Working
Lives Research Institute, London Metropolitan University
1. Numbers and characteristics of recent migrants
Our research suggests that recent migrants (in
particular those from A8 countries) are likely to be young, generally
clustered in the 20-30 age group. As young workers they are enthusiastic
and willing to learn but they may be more exposed to risk, precisely
because their youth and relative inexperience in the jobs that
they find themselves in, puts them at greater risk (McKay et Al,
HSE Report 2006). The proportions by gender are relatively similar;
in terms of the number of arrivals we have found less evidence
of a clear gender divide, particularly with regard to A8 nationals.
However, there are clear divides in terms of the jobs that they
do. Occupational segregation, a recognised cause of women's poorer
pay position in relation to that of men's, is as dominant within
the migrant labour force as it is within the UK-born labour force.
In terms of countries of origin, Poland, Lithuania and Latvia
emerge as the largest suppliers of recent migrants. However, it
is important to note that there is still substantial migration
from the rest of the world and the migrant worker workforce in
the UK remains diverse and that their journeys and migration experiences
may be less or more challenging depending on factors to do with
racism and prejudice. Although much media attention has been focused
on A8 workers, this might simply be a `cover' for a more all-embracing
challenge to the presence of migrants, both new and old, within
the UK. Thus while the media seems to be focusing its attentions
on A8 nationals, in practice the hostility this encourages affects
all migrant workers; and those whose immediate or family origins
are from South East Asia and from Sub-Saharan Africa often consequently
experience the worst forms of discrimination.
In our experience, many recent migrants on arrival
may view their migration as of a short stay, to provide some financial
backing for future longer-term plans in their countries of origin.
However, over time these plans do change, and we are beginning
to see migrants from A8 countries beginning to think more long-term
about their life in the UK. Some of those whom we have recently
conducted interviews with now talk of years, rather than months
of stay in the UK. Obviously long-term plans are predicated on
the economic and family situation both in the UK and in country
of origin, but I would suggest that after five years stay it is
less likely that a migrant worker will see her/his migration as
one of a temporary state.
2. Sectors and occupations
Migrant workers are generally finding work in
low paid and low skilled employment, regardless of the skills
and qualifications that they bring to the UK. Work is often accessed
through employment agencies, either in country of origin or after
arrival in the UK. Most of the jobs available are at or below
the national minimum wage and for those paid below the minimum
there is a reluctance to challenge this due to the need to be
in employment, in circumstances where there are no other available
means of financial assistance. This is true of documented, compliant
migrants but is even more problematic for undocumented, non-or
semi-compliant migrants (McKay and Winkelmann-Gleed, EEDA Report,
2005). The only party that gains from this is the unscrupulous
employer who acknowledges the weak bargaining power of these workers.
The importance of agencies as a source of employment can compound
this situation. While many migrants have told us of the advantages
for them in having initial employment sorted through an agency,
most of those whom we have interviewed and who work through agencies,
believe that their working terms and conditions are less favourable
than those of directly employed staff. Certainly agency migrant
labour is very unlikely to be paid at more than the national minimum
and a relatively large number of agency workers will be paid at
less than that rate, either because the hourly rate is lower,
or because there are high levels of deductions for accommodation
and or transport and these result in very low hourly rates.
In terms of comparisons with local workers,
the migrants we have interviewed (in excess of 350 face-to-face,
in-depth interviews) tell us that their experiences are predominantly
of being given the "worst" jobs. Migrant workers say
they are more likely to be working nights, more likely to be working
the longest hours and are more likely to be working in conditions
which are generally recognised as the least favourable within
their individual workplaces—for example, in cold/wet conditions.
There is some evidence that those in the weakest positions—for
example those without authorisation to work—are being placed
in the worst jobs and in the interviews a number of migrant have
commented that black migrants seem to get allocated to the worst
tasks.
3. Employers' reasons for employing migrants
Employers whom we have interviewed (in excess
of 100 face-to-face, in depth interviews) generally state that
they employ migrants either because there is no available local
labour, or no labour prepared to do the work for the wages on
offer. But they also view recent migrants as possessing talents
and skills not available in the local labour market and as having
a greater aptitude and desire to work. This is not unusual, migrants
have always been depicted in this way and clearly their objective,
economic situation may mean that they are prepared to settle for
terms that would be unacceptable if they viewed their work as
a longer-term commitment. Thus the advantages that employers perceive
in employing migrants may not be sustainable in the longer-term.
Migrant labour is particularly sought in those
sectors where planning for production is difficult, due to the
demands of clients. For example, the food processing sector (ETI
report), construction, hotels and catering and agriculture.
4. Impact of migration across regions
Our research has been undertaken in some regions
of the UK that have not been the destinations of previous generations
of migrants—including the East of England, the South West
and the North East. Recent migration has therefore not necessarily
followed earlier patterns of establishing bases in geographical
areas where existing migrant communities already were present.
Thus new migrant communities have been developing in regions where
there is neither the expertise, experience or in some cases the
necessary understanding of the needs of recent migrants. This
situation can, however, sometimes encourage more innovative practices.
We have noted sometimes a greater willingness to experiment in
new forms of service delivery. However, the same geographical
areas are also sometimes the location of high levels of prejudice
from local communities, who are afraid of challenges to their
ways of living. These can be overcome, but they require very targeted
strategies by government and local agencies and sometimes these
are not present. An overall tightening of local government and
National Health Service expenditure, both feeds into these prejudices
and fears and furthermore does present real challenges for service
deliverers, in trying to meet the needs of host and new communities.
The risk is that this will only serve to strengthen racist discourse
and give credence to those organisations that appear intent on
encouraging divisions in society.
12 December 2007
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