Select Committee on European Union Twenty-Second Report


CHAPTER 6: The Member States

115.  In considering the ability of the Member States to influence the initiation of legislation, it is helpful to distinguish the position in the first pillar, where only the Commission may make proposals, and the third pillar, where Member States have a concurrent right of initiative. We consider the latter more fully in the next chapter.

SUCCESSFUL INFLUENCING

116.  There are some instances where it is reasonably clear that an idea from a single Member State was successful in beginning a process leading to legislation in the first pillar. Professor Peers reminded us of the initiative announced by Gordon Brown, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, to persuade the Commission to make proposals to raise the threshold for the amount of goods which individuals could import free of customs duties. The threshold had not been raised for many years. Shortly afterwards, the Commission made a proposal on the lines the Chancellor had suggested. (Q 28) Whether the Commission had planned to bring forward a proposal in any case is not known, but it seems likely that the Chancellor's call (and public support for it) played a significant part in initiating the legislation.

117.  The Government gave examples where, in their view, UK representations had been successful in influencing the initiation of legislation in the first pillar in the dossiers on aviation emission and small claims. (p 110)

AND A FAILURE

118.  Another case mentioned by Professor Peers, also involving duty-free imports, illustrates how Member States do not always get what they want, even when a call for legislation is supported by a number of them. In 1992, as part of the legislation to complete the Single Market, a Directive was adopted to end duty-free allowances for travellers moving between the countries of the EU after seven years. The principle of the Single Market required that consumers should be able to import goods freely but having paid tax (in particular, VAT) in the country of purchase.

119.  As Professor Peers explained: towards the end of the seven-year period, the "duty-free industry kicked up a huge row and got one Member State and then another, and eventually the United Kingdom and Germany and others, to ask the Commission to make a proposal to extend that period." The Commission declined to do so. It is probable, as Professor Peers noted, that there was an element of game-playing by the governments which all appreciated that the Commission was unlikely to act, in particular because a unanimous decision of the Council was necessary to change the duty-free Directive. (Q 28) But this example shows that even if several large and small Member States pressure the Commission, it is willing to say "No" where it perceives that the interest of the EU as a whole requires that.

CONTACTS WITH THE COMMISSION

120.  In addition to taking advantage of their membership of the Council to influence Commission thinking, Member States are continually in touch with the Commission at all levels. Sir Kim Darroch told us: "we always regard it as almost the most important thing we [UKRep] do, trying to influence legislation as it emerges from the Commission." (Q 298) This kind of activity is not untypical of Member State approaches to legislation. The UK is one of the most active Member States in interacting with the Commission. (Q 319)

121.  It is not only the national officials in Brussels who are involved. Before the climate change package was published, for example, "there was a massive amount of contact between Whitehall and the Commission in the 12 months between [the] Spring European Council and the call for this package to come out and the package coming out on 23 January [2008]". On the current ideas for legislation on the mobility of health services, Sir Kim Darroch told us "there will be any number of visits all the way up to and including the Secretary of State for Health to talk to the Commission as they produce this legislation to try to make it come out right." (Q 298) Bilateral contact between Ministers is also important. The Minister mentioned that, alongside the things that attracted media attention at the time of the visit of President Sarkozy to London earlier in 2008, there were ten meetings of Ministers with their opposite numbers in the French government. (Q 461)

HOLDING THE PRESIDENCY

122.  It might be thought that a Member State holding the rotating presidency of the Council would, during its six-month tenure, have a particular facility to influence legislation. Our UKRep witnesses gave us two examples from the area of justice and home affairs.

Tony Long saw a risk to the quality of legislation where a Member State holding the Presidency rushed through the adoption of legislation in order to claim a victory for its Presidency. (Q 155)

123.  The Minister for Europe thought the influence of a Presidency was not as a short-term burst of legislative activity but was felt over months and years. He gave the example of the better regulation agenda which was given impetus by the meeting at Hampton Court in the UK Presidency in 2005. (Q 458)

124.  The extent of Presidency influence should not be exaggerated. Sir Kim Darroch explained why. Presidencies inherit an agenda from their predecessors, which may include proposals agreed with their direct predecessors in an 18-month programme or priorities to cover a future period of three presidencies,[41] as well as draft legislation already under discussion. Even if they add some ideas of their own, they would need support from the Commission and within the Council to push an idea through to legislation. The current Presidency (Slovenia), he added, was very effectively focussed on the inherited programme. (Q 269) The Minister thought that the position would be unchanged if the Treaty of Lisbon were to come into force. He believed the Presidency's role would remain one of maintaining momentum on the inherited work rather than about initiation. (Q 460)

NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS

125.  Under the Barroso initiative, now some two years old, the Commission sends all its communications and legislative proposals directly to the national parliaments. Catherine Day told us that this was in recognition of the fact that, previously, most parliaments had not been involved in the processes of European law until the stage of transposition into national law. The Commission determined to provide an opportunity to make an impact at the beginning of the process, for example, to comment on green papers. The Commission had to date received over 200 opinions from national parliaments. (Q 361)

126.  Do those views of national parliaments have much influence over the development of legislative proposals? Sir Kim Darroch said that reports of the House of Lords, for example, were taken into account by the Government in formulating and developing policy, and thus might indirectly influence the Commission. His colleague, Paul Heardman (Head of European Parliament Section, UKRep), told us that the Reports were well regarded in the European Parliament. (QQ 299, 300) As one voice among many seeking to influence legislation, the direct influence of a national parliament should not be exaggerated, but it may be able to influence the Commission to a degree. The Minister advised that influence on the initiation of legislation would be greater if focussed on multi-annual programmes. (Q 468)

127.  Each national parliament is offered an office and office facilities in the European Parliament in Brussels. David Harley noted that there are now representatives of the parliaments permanently based in Brussels. (Our EU Liaison Officer is based in the UK National Parliament Office.) He thought the presence of national parliaments was growing, for the purposes of obtaining and exchanging information and, potentially, for pre-legislative contacts. (Q 431)

128.  Were the Treaty of Lisbon to come into force, would that make any difference? Richard Corbett MEP thought the Treaty "should strengthen the voice of national Parliaments in developing European legislation" since they are guaranteed the opportunity to comment on every Commission proposal.[42] (p 140) David Harley thought the arrangements permitting national parliaments to communicate directly with the EU institutions was an interesting development which the European Parliament welcomed. National parliaments might regard the Subsidiarity Protocol[43] as "a kind of foot in the door" and an opportunity to do more (that is, before a formal proposal for legislation is made). (Q 415)

129.  The Minister agreed there was scope to develop Parliament's influence. (Q 463) Paul Heardman thought that the growing network of links between national parliamentarians and MEPs would increase the influence of the national parliaments. (Q 300) David Harley thought the Conference of the Parliamentary Committees for the Affairs of the Union (COSAC) was likely to become even more important. (Q 408)

CITIZENS

130.  The TEC gives every EU citizen the right to petition the European Parliament on any matter which come within the European Community's fields of activity and which affects him or her directly.[44] The Treaty of Lisbon would, if it came into force, enlarge the scope of that provision to include all the fields of activity of the EU.[45] It would add provision for "citizens' initiatives", by which a million or more citizens from a "significant" number of Member States might invite the Commission to submit a proposal for legislation.[46]

131.  Richard Corbett MEP thought the provision in the Lisbon Treaty for citizens' initiatives would strengthen participation in the European political process. (p 141) In Professor Peers' view, citizens' initiatives would have a higher profile than the current provision for petitions, on the basis that the Commission (and, perhaps, the Council) might well pay greater attention to a request representing the wishes of a million or more citizens from several Member States. (QQ 37-38)

132.  David Harley was less convinced that this development would make a difference, though from the admitted perspective of the European Parliament which preferred the current arrangements for citizens to be able to petition the Parliament. (Q 419) Under that procedure, the Parliament's Petitions Committee examined petitions. A petition may prompt the setting up of a committee of inquiry, as occurred for example in relation to the collapse of the UK insurer, Equitable Life, where the report of the inquiry[47] made specific suggestions to the Commission. (Q 420)


38   Regulation (EC) 861/2007 establishing a European Small Claims Procedure; OJ L 191, 31 July 2007, p 1. Back

39   Signed on 27 May 2005. Back

40   Draft Council Decision on the stepping up of cross-border cooperation, particularly combating terrorism and cross-border crime, Council document 6002/07, 6 February 2007. Back

41   See, for example, the combined programme of the French, Czech and Swedish Presidencies for the period July 2008 to December 2009, Council document 10093/08, 9 June 2008. Back

42   See the Protocol on the Role of National Parliaments in the European Union. Back

43   The Protocol on the Application of the Principles of Subsidiarity and Proportionality. Back

44   Articles 21 and 194 TEC. Back

45   Articles 24 and 227 TFEU. Back

46   Article 11(4) TEU and Article 24 TFEU. Back

47   Report by the Committee of Inquiry into the crisis of the Equitable Life Assurance Society, 4 June 2007 (2006/2199(INI)). Back


 
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