Select Committee on European Union Written Evidence


Memorandum by Maria Fletcher, Lecturer in European Law, University of Glasgow (Comments are submitted on an individual basis only)[17]

  1.  The legal basis for criminal law measures. First, it is noteworthy that Article 4(2) TFEU (Treaty on the functioning of the European Union) clarifies that the AFSJ is an area in which the EU shares competence with the Member States.

  2.  The Reform Treaty offers a welcome clarification of EU competences in respect of criminal law. Such clarity is lacking in the present Treaty settlement which has resulted in some awkward legal wrangling. Competences in matters of criminal justice under the TFEU are expressly organised around the sometimes competing methodologies of mutual recognition and approximation of laws (Article 61(3)). Mutual recognition was expressly endorsed as the cornerstone of judicial cooperation in criminal matters by European leaders at the Tampere European Council in 1999. Until now, it has had no express basis in the Treaties. The ECJ has on numerous occasions endorsed this principle and used it as a prism through which to interpret legislation adopted pursuant to the mutual recognition agenda and indeed legislation which predates even the Amsterdam legal settlement ie Article 54 of the Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement which contains the principle of ne bis in idem. Despite the sometimes contested manifestation and consequences of the principle of mutual recognition, it is the key ordering principle of the EU's criminal justice agenda and it looks set to remain so upon entry into force of the Reform Treaty.

  3.  As for the specific competences, the Reform Treaty provides a clear distinction between criminal procedure (Article 69e TFEU) and substantive criminal law (Article 69f TFEU). On procedural issues Article 69e further distinguishes between those procedures that will coordinate criminal justice systems of the Member States (Article 69e(1) (a) the blanket mandate to "lay down rules and procedures for ensuring recognition throughout the Union of all forms of judgments and judicial decisions";(b) to "prevent and settle conflicts of jurisdiction between Member States";(c) to "support the training of the judiciary and judicial staff"; and (d) to "facilitate cooperation between judicial or equivalent authorities of the Member States in relation to proceedings in criminal matters and the enforcement of decisions) and what might be called `forensic' criminal procedure ie domestic criminal procedures applicable in a specific trial"; (Article 69e(2) (a) "mutual admissibility of evidence between Member States"; (b) "the rights of individuals in criminal procedure"; (c) "the rights of victims of crime"; and (d) "any other specific aspects of criminal procedure which the Council has identified in advance by a decision; for the adoption of such a decision, the Council shall act unanimously after obtaining the consent of the European Parliament"). This latter provision highlights the hierarchical relationship between mutual recognition and approximation since it states that approximation of the listed aspects of forensic criminal procedure shall only be pursued to the extent necessary to give effect to mutual recognition.

  4.  The competence basis in Article 69e(1)(a) TFEU is written as, and clearly intended to be, a catch-all basis for the implementation of the principle of mutual recognition. Approximation of forensic criminal procedure is thus only justifiable if the simple mutual recognition of the different laws and procedures is for some reason unacceptable. This ought to ensure maximum coordination while according maximum respect to national traditions. It should be pointed out however that given the lack of criteria by which to assess whether mutual recognition would be acceptable, the new provisions are unlikely to settle the argument as to the proper division of labour between the two methodologies in criminal procedure generally.

  5.  Also of note is Article 69e(1)(b) TFEU which gives the EU express competence not only to prevent conflicts of jurisdiction—which is the present mandate under Article 31(1)(d) EU—but also to settle such conflicts.

  6.  Article 69g TFEU confers a supporting role upon the EU in the field of crime prevention. Harmonisation of national laws and regulations is expressly excluded.

  7.  When it comes to substantive criminal law, the criteria governing EU intervention are a priori unrelated to mutual recognition. Instead, the criteria provided by the TFEU depend on a division of criminal legislation into "core" or traditional criminal law, and what can be called "regulatory criminal law". In the case of the former, Article 69f(1) TFEU lays down that EU action is limited to approximating legislation in 10 areas: "terrorism, trafficking in human beings and sexual exploitation of women and children, illicit drug trafficking, illicit arms trafficking, money laundering, corruption, counterfeiting of means of payment, computer crime and organised crime". This list can be expanded by unanimous decision in Council and with the consent of the EP. Article 69f TFEU justifies the selection of these specific areas because they are "areas of particularly serious crime with a cross-border dimension resulting from the nature or impact of such offences or from a special need to combat them on a common basis". Presumably, any area which the Commission or Council propose to add to this list will have to fulfil this general criterion. In the case of regulatory criminal law, Article 69f(2) TFEU provides an independent legal basis for the approximation of provisions of criminal law sanctioning the breach of EU regulation in other policy fields. In short, if the EU has adopted regulatory measures in any area and the effectiveness of those regulations is deemed to require the application of criminal sanctions, the EU shall be competent to approximate such offences and the sanctions to be applied.

  8.  Impact of Case C-176/03 (Environmental crimes) in the context of the Reform Treaty. Article 69f(2) TFEU provides a neat solution to the rather complex situation which arose as a result of the judgment in Environmental crimes and which unfortunately remains after the ruling in Case C-440/05 (Ship-source pollution). It confirms, in effect, that the reasoning of the ECJ in Environmental crimes can be applied to the other objectives and policy areas of the EU ie the EC's competence to legislate in the field of substantive criminal law can extend beyond the field of the environment to any area of Union policy which has been subject to harmonisation measures—in so far as criminal law approximation is deemed essential to ensure the effective implementation of that policy.

  9.  Decision-making and institutional arrangements. The move to the "ordinary legislature procedure" ie qualified majority voting and co-decision in areas of criminal law and policing is a most welcome development. The shift to qualified majority voting (QMV) removes the right of veto from any single MS as a matter of course (although see comments on the emergency brake procedure below.) QMV is made more palatable by the simultaneous clarification of criminal law competences envisaged in the Reform Treaty. It may help to avoid political stagnation in the decision-making process (which is made more likely following the recent enlargements of the EU) and will force discussions and consensus building rather than immediate resort to purely national positions/red-lines. Unanimity voting traditionally results in "lowest common denominator" legislation and therefore it is to be hoped that a move to QMV will have a qualitative impact on legislative output. One example of a piece of proposed legislation that began life as ambitious and for the most part welcome, but which has ended up as an unwieldy, disappointing and still unadopted text is the Framework Decision on a European enforcement order and transfer of sentenced persons between Member States of the EU. The same argument about quality applies to the shift to the co-decision procedure. A greater involvement of the European Parliament and the conferral upon it of real power in the decision-making process is long overdue in this field. It will lend legitimacy to the European criminal justice project—something which has been sorely lacking to date. We would emphasise the disciplining effect of parliamentary scrutiny both in terms of the proposals actually made and the quality of legislation once adopted.

  10.  In the "General provisions" of the AFSJ, Article 68 TFEU provides a blanket derogation from this "ordinary procedure" as applicable to criminal justice and police cooperation in that it ensures that the right of initiative continues to be shared between the Commission and the Member States. It is difficult to see what the rationale for this derogation is, especially in the context of a supranational decision making structure. The practical experience of Member States submitting proposals in the field of criminal law has been problematic to date (they tend to either reflect the interests of the individual state to a disproportionate degree (eg the Council Framework Decision 2004/68/JHA combating the sexual exploitation of children and child pornography) nor be inadequately framed (eg Greek proposal for a Framework Decision on ne bis in idem OJ [2003] C100/4.) The Commission, acting in the interests of the Union and with the capacity to consult widely and conduct impact assessments is far better placed to submit legislative proposals.

  11.  A few specified decisions are subject to a special decision making procedure (Article 69e(2)d, 69f(1) para. 3, Article 69i). This is modelled on the present system with unanimity in Council and mere consultation of the EP.

  12.  One of the most welcome aspects of the new TFEU is that it does away with the specific legislative instruments found in Article 34(2) EU. Henceforth, legislation in the area of criminal justice is done by way of directives, regulations and opinions.

  13.  The extent to which the adoption of the "ordinary legislative procedure" combined with the emergency brake and enhanced cooperation procedure will prevent future resort to inter-governmental negotiations outside the framework of EU law on criminal and policing matters remains to be seen. The Prüm Treaty was negotiated in this way and later incorporated into the EU law framework. Indications suggest that the Prüm group of states wish to continue to work together to make progress on judicial cooperation.

  14.  The emergency brake and enhanced cooperation in criminal law and policing. The inclusion of this possibility suggests that criminal justice remains an area requiring additional safeguards for the Member States. If a measure approximating laws is contemplated and a member of Council is of the opinion that it would "affect fundamental aspects of its criminal justice system", the ordinary legislative procedure can be suspended for up to four months for discussions in the European Council. At this point, one of two things can happen. Either the European Council reaches a consensus and the matter is referred back to Council for decision pursuant to the ordinary legislative procedure or, in the absence of consensus and if at least nine members of Council wish to proceed, the measure will be adopted as a measure of enhanced cooperation. On the one hand, this system raises the spectre of the normative fragmentation of EU criminal justice. On the other hand, it is to be hoped that the political pressure will be such that mere opportunistic blocking of approximation measures is minimised. It should also be pointed out that measures implementing mutual recognition are not subject to this special procedure. In addition to approximating measures which are adopted using the ordinary legislative procedure, whenever a special legislative procedure is provided for, so is generally the possibility of enhanced cooperation. This will prevent unanimity from constituting an automatic block to EU action although, again, there is likely to be considerable political reticence to too frequent recourse to enhanced cooperation.

  15.  The jurisdiction of the ECJ to FSJ measures. The general restructuring of the treaty framework envisaged by the Reform Treaty brings with it a sea change as far as judicial oversight by the ECJ of EU criminal justice is concerned. Henceforth, the Commission will be able to introduce infringement proceedings for Member State failure to fulfil their obligations under the new Title IV TFEU (Articles 226-228 TFEU), the direct action against legislative acts is opened up to include acts adopted under Title IV TFEU (Article 230 TFEU), and the typical Community preliminary rulings procedure is generalised (Article 234 TFEU). The somewhat patchy system of judicial oversight that exists presently will be replaced by the full raft of mechanisms traditionally associated with mainstream Community law. This will secure more effective judicial oversight of EU developments and enhance legal certainty. It is hoped that the application of the infringement procedure to crime and policing measures will encourage and secure a better application and enforcement of EU criminal law at the national level.

  16.  Provisions on Eurojust and the creation of a European Public Prosecutor. An entire Treaty article is dedicated to Eurojust but it may be a disappointment to some. Absent is a provision for Eurojust to be able to initiate prosecutions on its own accord. On the other hand, Article 69i TFEU lays down a special procedure for the establishment of a European Public Prosecutor "from Eurojust" and "[i]n order to combat crimes affecting the financial interests of the Union". This remains a controversial development in many quarters and it is unlikely that the required unanimous support will be achieved in the short to medium term. Notably, the Reform Treaty calls for arrangements to be laid down for involving the EP and national Parliaments in the "evaluation of Eurojust's activities".

  17.  Protocol on the position of the UK and Ireland in respect of AFSJ and the Schengen Protocol. The Treaty of Lisbon amends the existing protocol on the position of the UK and Ireland annexed to the Amsterdam Treaty and makes it applicable to the whole of the Title IV TFEU—ie the scope of application of the protocol extends beyond police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters to policies on border checks and asylum and immigration and judicial cooperation in civil matters. Article 2 of the protocol maintains the principle that no legal instrument adopted in pursuance of the EU's AFSJ, or any judgment of the ECJ interpreting such instruments are applicable to the UK and Ireland. Article 3 gives the UK and Ireland the opportunity to declare that they wish to participate in any proposed legal instrument in this area. Article 3(2) makes it clear that if either the UK or Ireland, after such a declaration, nevertheless makes life so difficult for the other Member States, such that the measure cannot be adopted after a reasonable period, they will be excluded. The UK and Ireland will thus not be able to opt in only to sabotage a proposed instrument. Article 4 gives the UK and Ireland the chance to accept an instrument after it has been adopted, however a new Article 4a is inserted by the Reform Treaty which in effect, asserts some political pressure upon the UK and Ireland to opt-in to measures that amend existing measures by which they are already bound. The pressure derives from the potential legal consequences of non-participation—although the principle of non-participation applies even for these amending instruments, according to Article 4a(2), if they decide not to opt in, and the Council determines that the non-participation of the UK or Ireland would make the application of that measure "inoperable" for other Member States or the Union, the original measure will cease to apply to them. In effect, the UK and Ireland could be frozen out of a measure which they had previoulsy signed up to. This means that an existing instrument such as the EAW, if an important amendment is proposed and, say, the UK decides not to participate in this amendment, can cease to apply to the UK. It is hoped that all sides will show political restraint in the use of these provisions to prevent a too significant fragmentation of EU criminal justice. A finding of "inoperability" would of course be open to challenge before the ECJ.

  18.  The application of the Charter of Fundamental Rights to FSJ measures. The direct legal impacts of the Charter may not be as dramatic as some might have envisaged—this is because the EU institutions and MS when implementing AFSJ legislation already have to respect human rights, since respect for human rights is deemed to constitute one of the general principles of EC/EU law. Pursuant to existing Article 6 EU (new Article 6(3) EU), the sources of such rights include the constitutional traditions common to the Member State and the ECHR. Indeed, other international human rights instruments have also been accepted as sources of rights. In Case C-303/05 Advocaten voor de Wereld v Leden van de Ministerraad the ECJ recognised the principles of legality and equality before the law as general principles of EU law and in C-305/05 Ordre des barreaux francophones et germanophones and Others v Conseil des Ministres the ECJ did the same with regard to all the aspects of a fair trial. If theECJ were to acknowledge all the rights contained in the Charter as general principles of Union law the distinction between the two becomes irrelevant for practical and legal purposes—the Charter would simply be another source of rights as general principles and any formal attempt to limit the legal effects of the Charter would make little or no difference to a State's human rights obligations pursuant to EU law. Only to the extent that there may differences between the general principles and the Charter rights will it be possible to limit Member States human rights obligations by limiting the legal effects of the Charter (as the UK has done by way of Protocol.) Finally in this context, it should also be borne in mind that the new Article 6(2) EU provides that "[t]he Union shall accede to the [ECHR]". However, given that Article 188n(8) TFEU specifies that Council shall adopt the act of accession unanimously, this may not be as straightforward as perhaps expected.

26 November 2007




17   However, I would like to acknowledge Robin Lööf, Doctoral candidate at the European University Institute, Florence for his input to this evidence. I should also acknowledge the forthcoming book- M Fletcher, R Lööf and W G Gilmore, "EU Criminal Law and Justice" Edward Elgar, 2008. Back


 
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