Select Committee on European Union Written Evidence


Memorandum by Mrs Anne Palmer JP

  This is my personal individual contribution to the Call for Evidence by Sub Committee E (Law and Institutions) inquiry: Area of Freedom, Security and Justice: Impact of the reform Treaty. I do not belong to any Political Party.

  1.  The application of the Charter of Fundamental Rights to FSJ measures. The main concern is, will the Government's Redlines and opt-in/out hold? My opinion is, they will not. I am mindful of the Letter from Mr Jim Murphy MP, Minister for Europe, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, to the Chairman of the Committee, 31 July 2007 and note in particular "The UK Protocol confirms that nothing in the Charter extends the ability of any court to strike down UK law. In particular, the social and economic provisions of Title IV of the Charter give people no greater rights than are given in UK law". However, I will give you a "for instance" for I am also mindful of the sentence in Art 4, of the Reform Treaty, paragraph 2, "that National Security will remain with National Governments". "In particular, national security remains the sole responsibility of each Member State". That seems clear enough. However, through the EU's Protection of Critical Infrastructure, the EU, using Article 308 may, (and very likely) for the very first time in the history of this Country, allow others-the EU- to involve itself in the very sensitive issue of National Security, again, allegedly because this is yet another matter that transcends National Borders. National Security is to come under the EU's umbrella through a legally binding Directive. Why then is that statement in Art 4 included in the Reform Treaty?

  2.  If our National Security is transferred to the EU, it is one of the greatest betrayals of all, because, in war time, any information given to the enemy (and who knows who the next enemy will be?) it is a matter of treason, and for which others in the last war were hung by the neck until dead. In the detailed information the EU may want are, what weapons we hold, where they are, whom we share some with etc. How can we, as a separate independent Country, that we are continually told we are, give our defence and attack secrets away? How will the giving of that information away to others affect our relationship with those we already stand shoulder to shoulder with? It is not just my country at risk if these security secrets are given away to foreigners; MP's are putting other nations at risk as well as future generations. Their own children and grandchildren. I truly hope my "for instance" is noted.

  3.  At the moment the Charter is as a solemn Declaration and annexed to the Treaty of Nice and as such has no legal force, although it was, I believe, always intended that it should become legally binding, It has of course, been "referred to" when making decisions, and indeed some people have felt that it should become an entrenched Bill of Rights. Some Countries and possibly some Unions here in the UK want the entire Social Rights—the right to strike etc, applicable. Should there be a dispute, I cannot see the EU Court of Justice not over-ruling those Redlines—they will leak like a sieve.

  4.  How long will the Redlines hold, when in other parts of the Reform Treaty (if Ratified), when particular attention is drawn to, Art 4 (3) "The Member States shall facilitate the achievement of the Union's tasks and refrain from any measure which could jeopardise the attainment of the Union's objectives", or Article 8c "National Parliaments shall contribute actively to the good functioning of the Union" even without the word "SHALL" the meaning is very clear, and on both counts the ECJ may well enforce those paragraphs, sweeping away any Redlines before it. The people though, have never been told what the Unions TRUE "objective" is. They should be told.

  5.  The waters here seem to get a little muddy should the EU also, as it so wished, enter into the field of The European Convention of Human Rights? At the moment the ECJ (and ECHR) can and does overrule our Courts and also our Parliament (in other words, because of the casual transferring of sovereignty by "today's" British Governments, our Parliament is no longer supreme or sovereign and neither will the new "Supreme Court" be supreme) now, should the EU as one entity sign up to the ECHR, will any decision that that Court makes, override the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and the European Court of Justice itself?

  6.  I looked at whether the EU and the separate Nation States came under the United Nation's authority when they joined Kyoto, but the EU and Member States joined simultaneously on 31 May 2002, and Kyoto came into force 16.2.2005. So, if the UK falls behind in their targets, is it answerable to the UN and not to the EU? Therefore, questionably, the UK should not be admonished, fined or set "targets" by the EU at all? The UK is, I suggest, directly responsible to the UN? I do not believe the EU was in a position to "speak" for all its Member States at that point in time. It is, I would suggest, a debateable argument and well worth a legal challenge by the UK especially if the £180 million a year fine is implemented by the EU if the UK falls behind with their self imposed targets. And what, if time proves Kyoto is all just a tax collection service? Will the UK get a refund? An "Ice Age" was predicted in 1950/60s, that didn't happen.

  7.  However, if the EU becomes party as a whole to the ECHR, by joining at a later date than the others, will it too, as well as all nation states become under the auspices of the ECHR Court? To me, there might well be a conflict of Treaties. If we look at the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, the ECHR was signed in Rome on the 4 November 1950 and the ECC Treaty in 1957, the latter Treaty could take precedence and as such all Member States may no longer be bound by the ECHR? But surely that cannot be true? The EU is joining the ECHR, meaning it is to recognise the ECHR as it's better? When the UK joined the EU Treaties, even though at a later date, it cannot take precedence as under International law, it is agreeing to the contents of those Treaties it has signed up to. The same must then, apply to the EU as a whole when it joined Kyoto and the same when the EU and Member States joined it, the United Nations remains the force. (In Charge)

  8.  One of the reasons given why America did not join Kyoto, was because it did not want to lose sovereignty to the UN.

  9.  As regards the ECJ and the ECHR Court, I leave the sorting out to others, I have just posed a small part of the bigger problem, although I do believe it was a grave mistake for the Labour Government to incorporate the Human Rights Act into our legal system rather than just refer to it, especially as our Government was asking for a derogation after only a few months after incorporating it into our system, however I do understand that ALL EU Member States had to sign up, as part of their involvement in the EU, and was "a condition" that they signed up to the ECHR as would the EU as a whole when the time came.

  10.  As decisions made by the Highest Court in our land can be over-turned by the ECHR, I now wonder whether the time may come, whether decisions of the ECJ can be challenged directly by the ECHR. We live in interesting times for the United Kingdom of Great Britain once upon a time thought that our Parliament was "Supreme", will the doctrine of the Supremacy of EC Law fall the same way, I wonder? More importantly, what will happen if it does?

  11.  This I think answers the question of "The Jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in relation to the FSJ Area".

  12.  I understand that these red lines were also in the "Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe", and the people were promised a referendum on that Treaty and that promise was also established in the Government's Manifesto pledge. The people deserve, and should have that promised referendum. It might be difficult to ask the people of this Country whether they would like to place the governing of this Country permanently to the European Union, yet that is what is proposed. The EU could make any laws it wanted to and no one could prevent them from doing so, not even our own Prime Minister.

  13.  I do not see how any Government whose first loyalty and solemn Oath of Allegiance is to the Crown and this Country could possibly ask the people to destroy their own Constitution nor can I understand how any Government could accept and ratify such a constitutional Treaty which, when fully implemented with the use of a self amending Article included in it that would eventually destroy everything the people fought for (Freedom and Liberty) in 1939.

  14.  The Legal Base for criminal law measures and the continuing impact of Case C-176/03 in the context of the reform Treaty Amendments? Commission of the Communities v The Council of the European Union. I have questioned above the very base of this legislation, and although Case C-176/03 was part of a Consultation previously, I simply highlight a couple of points from the case. Point 6, "Each Member State shall take the necessary measures to establish as a criminal offences under its domestic law, when committed with negligence, or at least serious negligence, the offences enumerated in Article 2". Here is a body telling this great nation what to do. Actually many new criminal offences that did not exist before have sprung from this particular ruling.

  15.  Proof enough already that the EU already has power to make criminal law and even criminal law that the UK may not even want, yet can do nothing other than apply it. It is offensive to me that this once great country has to be told what to do, and it also actually has to do it. If the EU can do this now, what can it do, and without doubt will do when it gets more powers from the EU's Reform Treaty? In Case C-176/03, the Court struck down a Framework Decision on criminal sanctions applying to environmental protection which had been adopted by the Council on a Third Pillar legal base. In the Reform Treaty the Third Pillar will no longer exist, and if ratified, we will have accepted two new Treaties, which we would have to implement.

  16.  To comply with the instructions re length of my contribution, for the remaining points suggested in your Paper, I feel sure the Committee already know what the move to the vast increase in Qualified Majority voting would do to this Country. There is absolutely no doubt at all about the consequences of such an agreement re Qualified Majority voting.

  17.  I will therefore concentrate on this Government's proposal of giving to the European Union the use of Her Majesty's "Royal Prerogative". Government Ministers use the Royal Prerogative on behalf of the Crown at the moment. Although, Government Ministers did not have to ask Parliament for permission to go to war with Iraq the matter was indeed put before Parliament. What was made very clear to the people of this Country, was, in spite of Parliament being given "a say", without the correct information laid before them, errors and decisions can still be made and our forces were sent to war. The deaths of a great deal of innocent women and children and our forces that happened may have been prevented had Parliament been presented with the exact and correct facts.

  18.  A Government Minister at the moment uses the Royal Prerogative for Treaty and War Making Powers on behalf of the Crown and Prime Minister Brown has suggested that these war-making powers should be given to our Parliamentarians to make it more "democratic". It is not in the "Government's gift" to transfer the Royal Prerogative to any other body of people, especially to foreigners, yet I note that Article 32 of the Reform Treaty states that, "The Union shall have legal Personality". It is the Royal Prerogative that this Government is giving to the European Union. To give this extraordinary Constitutional change away to the EU, the people should have a say along with the Crown.

  19.  Article 33, "The treaties may be amended in accordance with an ordinary revision procedure. They may also be amended in accordance with simplified revision procedures, with clear instructions beneath as to how this can be done. No suggestion in the Reform Treaty re "war making powers" given to EU? Yet look to the proposals for an EU Army and the new proposals for a European Council on Foreign Relations (EFCR) that is demanding that the EU develop a more coherent and vigorous foreign policy. For the EU to "speak with one voice", "should be backed up with all of Europe's economic, political, cultural and, as a last resort, military power".

  20.  Debates are already on going on whether Parliament should be always allowed a say. The title "Royal Prerogative" may also become simply a "title" of the past, and, as with all matters that Parliament still might have a say on, these powers will eventually become a Competence of the European Union, if so, a British Parliament will never have a say again. No powers have ever been returned that have so casually been given to the EU.

  21.  Under the Royal Prerogative are "Treaty Making Powers" and as we already know the Union has, as a whole, and on behalf of its Member States, entered into five Treaties. I do question the legal base for these. Parliamentary sovereignty on the EU treaties is only maintained, in their conflict with existing great statutes still in force, by the constitutional doctrine of implied repeal or disqualification. This principle of alleged "loaned" sovereignty has never been widely debated and now that up to 80% of our laws come from Brussels, Parliament is in an increasingly vulnerable position of over extending their deficit of trust with the Electorate. If in the future the people, who themselves are sovereign, decide that their "loaned" parliamentary sovereignty with the political "bank" of the EU is too great, posing a threat to our present constitutional settlement, a crisis of great magnitude would likely ensue—it being the declared position that the trust of the people and therefore their sovereignty, is returned to them intact every five years.

  22.  Whatever is in the Treaties the EU may sign and ratify on our behalf, laws, regulations, alterations, transfer of our territorial seas and oceans as proposed in the EU's "Motorway in the Sea" etc, even world maps changed to suit. Our Parliament, our Government (if they still exist then) will have no opportunity to alter anything, in exactly the same way that once the Government has accepted the Reform Treaty, British Committee's can only scrutinise, they cannot alter even now.

  23.  At the moment, the Reform Treaty can be rejected. If, having voted for Members of Parliament to represent us the people, to speak on their behalf, knowing full well that the vast majority of people do not want any further integration into the European Union, to ratify the Reform Treaty would be a betrayal. The putting forward of this Consultation Paper, for the few people that may read of it, shows that our MP's have grave doubts as to the wisdom of any Government handing over these great powers that are held in the Reform Treaty which is indeed of great constitutional importance and dangerous changes to this our once sovereign independent Country.

5 November 2007




 
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