Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Question Numbers 40-59)

MS NORMA KANG MUICO

2 APRIL 2008

  Q40  Mr. Hamilton: Can you just clarify one thing? You mentioned that they perhaps do not get the same rights that the ILO would accord to them, but what about the exploitation of children and child labour? Does that go on at the Kaesong industrial complex, and does sex discrimination and sexual harassment still occur?

  Ms Muico: There is not much data on that, because we are not allowed to go to Kaesong. However, from the people I spoke to who work on the issue at a peripheral level, based in Seoul, it seems that there are no cases of child labour. There may be some cases of sexual harassment, but, again, we have to bear in mind that the majority of workers in Kaesong are women, and they[1] did not seem to think that it was a big issue.

  Q41  Sir John Stanley: On the previous question, raised by Mr. Hamilton, could you tell us whether Amnesty gives credence to the reports that have appeared in the press and emanated from defectors, that the North Korean regime has used political detainees as live human guinea pigs on whom to test chemicals for use in chemical weapons?

  Ms Muico: I do not know how to put it delicately—

  Sir John Stanley: Please put it as frankly and as indelicately as you wish, madam.

  Ms Muico: No, we give no credence to that. Many NGOs working on human rights for North Koreans would say that it is not true and that it comes from a very unreliable source. They know who that source is and he has been very unreliable in the past.

  Q42  Sir Menzies Campbell: On the same point. We know that there are South Korean managers, but we have also been told that quite a few of them have been expelled. Are those South Korean managers suitable sources of information about conditions in Kaesong?

  Ms Muico: Having not been to or worked in Kaesong, I cannot comment on it that much. However, from what has been said to me by various South Korean officials, there seems to be a slight separation between the North Korean workers and the South Korean company people, although I am not sure about the officials. They work in the same area, but they do not interact frequently.

  Q43  Ms Stuart: May I take this a bit further? It relates to abductees. As I understand it, as recently as 27 March 2008, the BBC reported that North Korea expelled South Korean managers. There was a kind of movement of labour.

  Back in 2002, the North Korean leader Kim Jong Il admitted that they had abducted 13 Japanese citizens. I wonder whether you can shed some light, from your experience, on how the abduction of foreign nationals and the enforced disappearance of North Koreans relates—what picture would you paint? The Japanese claim that actually more people were abducted than the North Koreans are admitting to. What is your assessment?

  Ms Muico: The enforced disappearances carried out by the North Korean Government are the subject of Amnesty's next report, which will be launched in June. We have documented the enforced disappearances of various nationals, mainly South Koreans, but including Japanese, as you said, and North Koreans, some of whom are now South Korean citizens. There are also other nationals, but those are the main nationalities.

  In the case of the Japanese nationals, the Japanese Government have been quite tough on North Korea. The North Korean Government have responded limitedly—but at least, in some ways, positively—by returning some people and the remains that were, of course, in dispute. However, the North Korean Government have said that, as for the South Korean fishermen—who make up the majority of those whom the North Korean Government have admitted to—they and the others have chosen to stay in North Korea. There is no confirmation of that whatsoever.

  It is quite worrying for us that about 80,000 non-combatant South Korean nationals were abducted by North Korea during the North Korean war from 1950 to 1953, yet the North Korean Government refuse to acknowledge that they had those people. The South Korean Government are also unwilling to help in this matter. So, various people have been abducted for different reasons and, apart from the Japanese citizens, the North Korean Government are not willing to do much for them.

  Q44  Ms Stuart: The Japanese have been very tough and seem to have got some results. The South Koreans are understood to give the matter higher priority. Do you think that they should be tougher to get results? Is that your read?

  Ms Muico: Absolutely.

  Q45  Chairman: Let me be clear; when did the abductions stop? Are we talking about people who are now 50 or 60 years old or even older? Or are there some people who have been taken more recently?

  Ms Muico: People were taken during the Korean war between 1950 and 1953. We are talking about policemen, judges, lawyers and teachers. We do not know why they were taken. We think that they were taken because they served a useful purpose in rebuilding North Korea.

  During the cold war, fishermen and other people were taken from South Korea. We think that the fishermen were taken because they were out at sea and, therefore, the North Korean spies would not have to enter South Korea. The Japanese were taken during that time. The North Koreans—some of them South Korean citizens[2]—were mainly taken in the border areas of China.[3] Some were undocumented at that time and were trying to help other North Koreans in the border areas.



  Q46  Mr. Illsley: In the past two years, there was a very high profile case in which a woman was returned to Japan. Apparently, she had been abducted from a beach in Japan about 20 or 30 years ago. Is that serious? [Interruption.] The Japanese lady was returned to Japan from South Korea. She had been abducted as a young woman from a Japanese beach.

  Ms Muico: There were two different stories.

  Mr. Illsley: The story received a huge amount of publicity at the time.

  Ms Muico: I think that there are two different stories.

  Mr. Illsley: I will check on it.

  Chairman: Perhaps you can communicate in writing.

  Mr. Illsley: It was on a news programme on TV.

  Ms Muico: Megumi Yokota was the most famous case. She was taken as she was returning home. The North Korean Government admitted to taking Megumi and returned her remains, but then the DNA showed that they were not her remains. In fact there was multiple DNA.

  Chairman: Thank you. May we now move on? John Horam wanted to ask about food aid.

  Q47  Mr. Horam: Yes, may we turn to the food situation and food aid? We seem to be getting slightly conflicting stories. Some press reports suggest that this year is going to be very difficult, but some South Korean NGOs say that because private barter and markets are better, we will never see mass starvation again. What is your view?

  Ms Muico: I think that from what people have told us in various sectors, the food situation is getting worse.

  Mr. Horam: Worse?

  Ms Muico: Yes, it is worse than last year. Some tend to exaggerate and say that it could be as bad as the Arduous March in the early 1990s when there was a famine. Most NGOs will say that it is not as bad as the famine years, but that they have used up all of their available stock. What is worrying is that the North Korean Government have not asked for fertiliser from the South Korean Government this year. The planting season is almost over now and the worry is that they will not have much of a yield this year. The North Koreans have recently said that they will not ask for aid from South Korea, which is quite unrealistic. We do not know how bad the situation will be, but indications are that it will be quite bad.

  Q48  Mr. Horam: Is it possible to use international food aid as some sort of leverage, or are they just not asking for it because they do not want the lever?

  Ms Muico: That is the best case scenario. Of course, working with the North Korean Government is difficult at the best of times. What would normally work as leverage in most countries cannot be guaranteed to work with the North Koreans. What the South Korean Government should always do as a policy is to give food aid through the World Food Programme, so that it can improve its monitoring. The WFP's monitoring is better than South Korea's, far better. It is not perfect, but that is a point of departure. You can ask for more monitoring, more access to a wider area, and in previous years the South Korean Government have not been doing that. It is difficult to have that leverage if South Koreans prefer a bilateral agreement with North Korea.

  Q49  Mr. Horam: So do we not know necessarily what is happening to the food?

  Ms Muico: No.

  Q50  Mr. Horam: It is not being used as leverage to improve human rights?

  Ms Muico: Not with the past Governments, in terms of the food aid given by South Korean Governments. The WFP has been increasing its monitoring process and the access that it has. That is a work in progress, but because South Korea gives the most aid it would be in all our interests if it gave that aid through the WFP.

  Chairman: We will move on to some other questions.

  Q51  Mr. Horam: Is it sensible for the UN to continue pursuing the human rights resolutions when—as you say—the North Koreans continue to ignore them?

  Ms Muico: Yes, because it is still our best hope, and we need a mandate like Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn's to monitor the human rights abuses and report back to the Human Rights Council. His position is important and effective, although obviously not as effective as we would like, because he does not have access to North Korea. But a better way of looking at that is to find parallel ways to improve human rights in North Korea, along with Professor Vitit's special rapporteur role.

  Q52  Mr. Horam: Do you think that there will be any serious movement until there can be resolution of the nuclear and other issues with the US?

  Ms Muico: Yes. The human rights issue is not necessarily connected with the nuclear issue. They are two separate issues. Certainly the North Koreans would be more apt to talk about nuclear issues than human rights issues.

  Q53  Mr. Horam: So they are separate, distinguishable?

  Ms Muico: Absolutely.

  Q54  Chairman: The UN human rights system has changed from the Human Rights Commission to the Human Rights Council. Has that improved the scrutiny and the pressure on North Korea or has there been no difference? Given that the UN representative was not able to visit North Korea in producing his report, is there practically nothing that has any impact?

  Ms Muico: It is too early to say what the effectiveness of the Human Rights Council is. This is the first year that the Human Rights Council is reviewing countries under the universal periodic review, and it is far too early to say anything about North Korea because it does not get reviewed until 2009. All the countries backing Vitit Muntarbhorn's position as special rapporteur and the passing of the resolution in March is a good sign, and this time South Korea did not abstain from the vote, it voted in favour of Vitit's position. There is a window of opportunity there, via South Korea. I think that it will be far more robust in its position.

  Q55  Chairman: Was that before or after the change of President?

  Ms Muico: It was after.

  Q56  Chairman: So does that have more to do with internal South Korean politics?

  Ms Muico: Yes.

  Q57  Sir John Stanley: What do you think is the most effective way in which the British Government, particularly through our embassy in Pyongyang, can further human rights in the DPRK?

  Ms Muico: I have worked with the British Government on this matter for almost four years and it has been a very productive relationship. They have passed on a lot of the things that I have relayed to them. But continuing their role as the Government that is not the United States works in their favour. Also, they have maintained a good relationship but they have also pressed on human rights issues.

  It is very difficult to work on human rights in North Korea. For us it is quite frustrating at times because progress is so slow. But as a Government—and they are a Government not a human rights NGO—they can open up the country by continuing with their educational programmes, their exchanges and anything that will open the society and the country to other ways of thinking and to engagement with other countries. It does not matter if they bring over Government officials in the exchanges. That is even better. Whatever exchanges you can have with the country, the UK Government should continue that and continue their tradition of dialoguing with North Korea. They should never close the door because they can provide a venue for us to speak. They can speak on our behalf and they have done so in the past.

  Q58  Sir John Stanley: Do you expect President Lee in the South to adopt any major changes of policy in pursuing human rights in the North, now that he is in the Blue House?

  Ms Muico: If he stays true to what he has said about acting in a more principled manner and pressing for progress to be made on the nuclear issue as well as on human rights, then I hope he does that. I worry that he will become so caught up in issues that he will not allow himself to be a bit more flexible. Yes, as a human rights organisation, we would want President Lee Myung-bak to go forth and to do more on human rights, but he must also be aware that if the North Korean Government go back on their word and make it difficult for the South Korean Government, and that that in turn gets a negative reaction from the South Korean Government, it can have a negative impact on the North Korean people. Those are the people we are trying to help. Even from a principled stance, he has to be flexible.

  Q59  Sir John Stanley: The DPRK regime initially seemed to have taken a rather hostile stance to President Lee. What do you think has precipitated that?

  Ms Muico: A series of events. It started from Lee Myung-bak's comments about a more principled approach on the nuclear issue and on human rights. [4]Then there was the UN resolution on the special rapporteur's position,[5] which South Korea voted in favour of. That sparked the expulsion of the 11 Government officials from Kaesong. North Korea feels that the South Korean Government will end the sunshine policy and be more strict about what aid they give to North Korea. Lee Myung-bak has already said that any humanitarian aid given to North Korea will be based on progress made on the nuclear talks, as well as their human rights record.

  Chairman: We now have some more questions about South Korea.



1   Note by witness: The NGOs Back

2   Note by witness: Others undocumented North Korean migrants. Back

3   Note by witness: Or when they were forcibly repatriated back to North Korea or family members in north Korea of those who have settled in the South. Back

4   Note by witness: Then South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff in his confirmation hearing responded that he would hit North's nuclear sites if North Korea showed signs of attacking the South. Back

5   Note by witness: The mandate was passed. Back


 
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